The effects of protracted conflict and displacement on citizen engagement in Northern Uganda

The Acholi region of Uganda was deeply affected by the war between the Lord’s Resistance Army and the Government of Uganda from the late 1980s to 2006. This article presents qualitative case-study research of how citizen engagement evolved during the conflict and period of internal displacement, analysing the mechanisms through which violent conflict affected the sense and practice of citizenship. The findings show that the securitisation of local institutions and the militarisation of the public sphere limited the opportunity for learning the practice of citizenship. In the post-conflict situation, perceptions and behaviours that developed during the conflict period persist among the Acholi. Finally, the experience of protracted conflict has a negative impact on a sense of citizenship, which weakens the confidence of the Acholi people to engage with the state. With practices of citizenship limited by inexperience and a sense of citizenship that is characterised by alienation, the Acholi find it difficult to hold state actors to account. This demonstrates the need for a clear understanding of the continued fragility of citizenship after violent conflict.     

缅甸日据时期“缅克冲突”探析

缅甸日据时期,缅族、克伦族发生多次冲突,其原因除缅族、克伦族历史传统因素外,还有历史上英国"分而治之"政策留下的"后遗症",以及日本侵略者出于自身利益的推波助澜。两族在冲突解决上也截然不一。克伦族对冲突采取"暴力对抗"与"和平谈判"两种不同的解决方式,分别导致了大相径庭的结果。缅族领导对冲突处理不够细致、深入,为建国初期克伦族叛乱埋下了伏笔。     

The Ulster Defence Regiment and the Question of Catholic Recruitment, 1970–1972

This article aims to consider the factors which led to a serious under-representation of Catholics within the Ulster Defence Regiment (UDR) during the Northern Ireland “Troubles.” A considerable number of UDR members were implicated in collusion with loyalist paramilitaries in their targeting of Catholic civilians throughout the conflict. Further, neither the British political nor military establishment made any significant moves towards addressing Catholic grievances regarding the UDR during the crucially formative years of 1970–1972. Despite this, Catholic under-representation has often been discussed with sole or particular reference to Republican paramilitary targeting of Catholic members of the force; this is in order to dissuade any further such involvement on the part of this demographic. The validity of such assertions will be examined in this article, along with a number of other factors which have been hitherto largely underplayed or outright ignored as contributing to this under-representation.     

The spoils of war

Antony Beevor's Berlin: The Downfall 1945 has been an international best-selling history of the fall of Berlin to Soviet troops in 1945. Now published in paperback, Beevor's magisterial narrative of Berlin's downfall has become a leading work of contemporary popular history. The public discussion of this book has been dominated by two themes: first, the ‘normalization’ of the suffering of German civilians and, second, the ‘disclosure’ of mass rapes by the liberating Soviet army in Germany. This review traces how key debates concerning the remembrance of the Second World War form these dominant readings of Berlin. In particular, it examines the formation of the re-remembering of the wartime rapes of Berlin women, and considers the implications of Beevor's account of the downfall of Berlin for how we understand sexual violence in armed conflict.     

SPLM–NCP asymmetrical power relations jeopardise the implementation of the CPA and the future of the Sudan

ABSTRACT

The political instability that has characterised Sudanese politics since independence is attributable to political exclusion, economic neglect and marginalisation. Discrimination based on religion, language and culture has constituted the main contradictions between the masses of the Sudanese people (periphery) and the politically dominant Arabised Nubians (centre) in all the different politico-ideological hues experienced by the nation. Attempts to resolve this contradiction have left the structural imbalances inherited from the colonial administration of the Sudan intact. This explains the resurgence of war, particularly in Southern Sudan. The recent peace agreements between the National Congress Party (NCP), namely the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) with the Sudan People's Liberation Movement/Army (SPLM/A); the Darfur Peace Agreement with the Sudanese Liberation Movement (SLM) (Minawi); the Cairo Agreement with the National Democratic Alliance and the Eastern Sudan Peace Agreement with the Eastern Sudan Front, have left the NCP still in firm control of the oppressive state machinery. The CPA power-sharing protocol awarded the NCP a majority which institutionalises a power asymmetry that the NCP utilises to obstruct implementation of the CPA and delay the process of democratic transformation.

This article analyses the asymmetry in the NCP–SPLM partnership and power relationship. It assumes that the tragic death of Dr. John Garang de Mabior is a major cause of the political weakness demonstrated by the SPLM since 2005. This power imbalance jeopardises the CPA implementation and the future of the Sudan as a state.     

律师帮助制度与犯罪嫌疑人、被告人保护

律师提供法律咨询是犯罪嫌疑人和律师所享有的诉讼权利,属于法律帮助权中居于核心地位的一种权利,其对侦查的积极影响在于保障人权和限制侦查权力的恣意,消极影响在于增加侦查负担和防碍侦查进行。因此,其内容的界定应遵循开放性和限制性两个原则,并参照国际通行的规定,对我国的律师帮助制度进行修改。     

关于在反贪侦查阶段律师会见问题的几点看法

对于一般性的职务犯罪案件,新刑事诉讼法规定辩护律师在侦查阶段会见犯罪嫌疑人不再需要经过侦查机关的批准,这无疑是立法的一大进步,不仅有利于保障犯罪嫌疑人的合法权益,更有利于规范侦查权的健康运行。但是司法实践中,会见难的老问题仍未得到根本的解决,为了严格地执行法律,有必要对造成这种结果的原因进行深入分析,以期通过有效的途径来解决这一问题。     

共产国际对井冈山革命根据地的关注

井冈山斗争、井冈山革命根据地与共产国际、联共（布）究竟是什么关系,过去一直鲜为人知。共产国际解密档案公开出版后,这个问题才得以弄清。实际上,共产国际、联共（布）对井冈山革命根据地是热情关注、真诚支持的,他们关注“毛泽东的军队正在扩充”,认为“湘赣的形势相当好”,讨论了“援助朱毛问题”,表彰朱毛红军是“史诗般的英雄行动”,是“具有重大意义”的,盛赞“井冈山根据地是最强大的根据地之一”,还论述了“朱毛会师”、“永新困敌”、“大柏地战斗”等重大事件。     

红军长征与少数民族革命运动的兴起

红军长征的胜利,不仅粉碎了蒋介石企图消灭红军的迷梦,而且扩大了革命影响,遍撒了革命火种,点燃了各少数民族革命的星星之火,促进了少数民族地区革命运动的迅猛发展,从而揭开了中国革命史上少数民族革命运动的新篇章。     

How ‘terrorism’ does not end: the case of the Official Irish Republican Army

This paper is the first critical analysis of terrorism disengagement by the Official Irish Republican Army (OIRA). This process was conducted in instalments over nearly three decades. It has not been theoretically assessed as far as studies on ‘how terrorism ends’ are concerned, and it does not fit into any existing models of terrorism disengagement. The end of terrorism in relation to the OIRA is not only the story of a terrorist organisation ending its armed activities, but also a case study of terrorism disengagement with important policy implications for decision-makers faced with the threat of terrorism.