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951.
目的建立生物检材中γ-羟基丁酸(GHB)的检测方法,研究GHB急性中毒大鼠体内GHB的分布,为GHB中毒的鉴定提供方法和评价依据。方法用GC/MS法检测生物检材中的GHB;以1000mg/kg剂量给大鼠灌胃使其染毒,分别于1h和3h处死,测定体液和组织中GHB的含量。结果测组织中内源性GHB的线性范围是1~20μg/g,R2=0.9974;测组织中外源性GHB的线性范围为100~1500μg/g,R2=0.9958。相对回收率为98%~103%。体内内源性GHB的含量均≤10μg/mL或10μg/g。尿液中GHB含量为最高,其他依次为:胃、血液、肠、肾、肺、脾、心、肝和脑。结论所建方法准确、便捷,适用于GHB中毒的鉴定;尿液是体内检测GHB的最佳检材。 相似文献
952.
This study analyzes how perceptions of discrimination against oneself and/or one’s group and whether one self-identifies in national (American), national origin, or panethnic terms affect levels of political engagement among Latinos in the United States. The findings show that perceptions of discrimination against oneself are particularly damaging in that they promote both behavioral and attitudinal alienation (e.g., non-voting and lack of trust), especially among Latinos who identify primarily as American. Behavioral alienation can be mitigated, and even overcome, when perceptions of discrimination are accompanied by a panethnic or national origin self-identification. However, the attitudinal alienation created by perceptions of discrimination is not mitigated by any type of self-identification. These findings shed light on understudied factors that affect political engagement that are going to become more important to understand as the American population continues its ethnic diversification. In addition to expanding our knowledge of political engagement generally, this study also raises important questions about whether the adoption of an American self-identification is in fact beneficial for the health of our participatory political system as a whole. 相似文献
953.
陈向阳 《江南社会学院学报》2005,7(2):34-38,58
美国台海政策随着美全球战略与对华政策的变化而变化,其发展大致经历了三个阶段。当前美国台海政策新变化,即从战略模糊到战略清晰,美台军事安全合作大幅提升,正进入新的高度,美国台海政策主要出于美霸权利益考量,美国通过曲解“一个中国”原则与维持台海所谓“现状”企图达到两岸长期的“不统”、“不独”与“不战”状态,以便美国长期操控两岸、从中渔利进而防范延缓中国的崛起。然而,随着两岸各自的变化,美国左右逢源、平衡两岸的台海政策越来越暴露出其内在矛盾与巨大风险,并将因来自各方面的挑战而难以为继、濒于破产。 相似文献
954.
Gavin Robert Walker 《Journal of contemporary African studies : JCAS》2018,36(2):175-190
With 3 million people receiving anti-retroviral therapies (ARV) in South Africa, it has the largest public ARV programme in the world. The implementation of this programme was made possible by the efforts of AIDS advocacy groups that lobbied the government to make ARV available. Chief among these was the Treatment Action Campaign (TAC). The group mobilised South Africans across socio-economic and racial lines against the AIDS denial of key members of the African National Congress (ANC). Through interviews with TAC members and ethnographic accounts of ©current activism, this paper examines song as a method of mobilisation against HIV/AIDS-related injustices. As instrumental components of the liberation struggle, songs have become ubiqioutus within protest action, as demonstrated by the recent hashtag student movements. By utilising similar forms of rights-based activism found in the country's liberation struggle, TAC is able to tap into reservoirs of emotional potential rooted in political struggle. 相似文献
955.
956.
John D. Wooldredge 《Journal of Quantitative Criminology》1998,14(2):155-179
Studies of racial/ethnic disparities in criminal case processing have yielded mixed results. Some differences in findings have probably resulted from analyses of different social settings, but some could be attributable to differences in analytical rigor between studies. Contextual analyses are pointless unless the research yields unbiased estimates of the true relationships between a defendant's race/ethnicity and case dispositions. This goal may be furthered by conducting analyses that simultaneously incorporate the following: (a) corrections for sample bias, (b) analyses of several stages of case processing, (c) measures of prior record and offense seriousness which maximize explained variation in the dependent variables examined, (d) statistical controls for extralegal variables that correlate with case dispositions, and (e) more rigorous statistical tests for interactions. To demonstrate potential differences in findings from analyses with and without these characteristics, results from a study of 1586 Mexican- and Anglo-American defendants from Dona Ana County, New Mexico, are presented. 相似文献
957.
Arūnas Streikus 《Journal of Baltic studies》2017,48(2):235-249
This article focuses on shifts in religious life triggered by the processes of Soviet urbanization in Lithuania, a country with a strong agricultural character. Based on an analysis of diverse sources, it explores the turning point of contemporary religious history in Lithuania during the1960s, which was connected primarily with the massive displacement of people meant to transform the traditional way of life in the Lithuanian countryside. The article argues that the main result of this displacement was not so much the collapse of religious life, as was intended by the Soviet authorities, but rather the dislocation of its center from the countryside to the cities. 相似文献
958.
Isabelle Ioannides 《Southeast European and Black Sea Studies》2017,17(4):631-647
AbstractCyprus’ commitment to the European perspective of the Western Balkans is shaped by a range of factors. As well as balancing its national interests, it also aims to stand by a ‘position of principles’ on conflict issues. It equally seeks to be a reliable partner to the EU and move closer to its Western allies, while accommodating its Eastern ones. Nevertheless, over the last 10 years, Nicosia has Europeanised its policies and thinking. This has seen it reach out to Kosovo to try and build de facto relations. However, since the ‘national problem’ remains at the core of its foreign policy, relations with ‘motherland’ Greece are also key. This has in turn complicated dealings with the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia. Overall, Cyprus remains more firmly focused on the Middle East, making it a rather peripheral actor in the Western Balkan countries’ EU integration process. 相似文献
959.
Ardeth Maung Thawnghmung 《亚洲研究》2017,49(3):379-395
This article focuses on peace-building efforts in Myanmar implemented under the Nation Wide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) in 2013. It assesses the ways in which the recently elected government led by the National League for Democracy (NLD) has dealt with the NCA, and highlights opportunities and challenges. I argue that while the NLD government and Myanmar military remain crucial to the success of peace efforts, implementation of the NCA is impossible without the support of the eight current NCA signatories, in particularly the Karen National Union (KNU). Neglecting the importance of these actors not only provides an incomplete picture of ongoing peace-building efforts, but could also undermine efforts to promote national reconciliation that have thus far focused exclusively on the Myanmar government and the military. These signs of life emanating from the NCA signatories, however, have increasingly been undermined by an official failure to implement the agreement and to adhere to the agreed process and by ongoing hostilities between the military and four of the country’s ethnic armed groups. 相似文献
960.
东亚秩序转型是冷战后国际关系学界争论的重要问题。在回顾既有争论的基础上,本文尝试从局部等级视角切入,分析东亚安全秩序的性质及其转型动力。局部等级体系由体系唯一超级大国领导的地区安全等级与区域内自助国家共同构成。冷战结束以来,东亚地区呈现出典型的局部等级体系特征,并在中国持续崛起的过程中逐步形成了以战略对冲为主要行为模式的安全秩序。尽管当前美国对华政策的对抗性不断增强,但是在局部等级体系下中国坚持战略对冲不但可以有效缓解自身面临的崛起困境,而且有助于防止中美陷入美苏冷战式的集团对抗,以战略对冲为核心特征的东亚安全秩序也将因此得以延续。这些发现一定程度上深化了地区安全秩序和大国竞争的理论研究,同时也有助于中美两国更为有效地管控其在东亚地区的战略竞争。 相似文献