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201.
Benjamin Bland 《Patterns of Prejudice》2019,53(1):86-97
ABSTRACTThe British extreme right has always struggled to distance itself from the crimes of the Third Reich, not helped by the high level of Holocaust consciousness in Britain and by the importance of antisemitic conspiracy theory to British neo-fascist ideology. Bland’s article charts attempts by British neo-fascist actors to use Holocaust inversion and—by extension—anti-Zionism as a mask for their Nazi sympathies. It shall, first of all, demonstrate how the Israel–Palestine conflict was incorporated into British neo-fascist antisemitic discourse in the 1960s. It shall then use the 1980s National Front as a case study, to illustrate the manner in which the extreme right can use anti-Zionist activism as a tactic aimed at legitimizing its politics and gaining new supporters. The article therefore contributes to the historiographies of antisemitism and anti-Zionism in Britain, as well as to scholarly understandings of neo-fascism. 相似文献
202.
我国当前“左”的思想发展现状、成因及对策 总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0
惠天 《陕西行政学院学报》2012,(3):70-75
在改革开放进入矛盾凸显期之际,社会上再次出现了"左"的声音,并具有高度欺骗性、煽动性,对改革开放构成了重大威胁。"左"的思想重新发展,其重要原因是部分社会成员对于历史常识的极端无知,根本原因是我国社会利益分配存在三大不均衡。学界应重视"改革开放不进则退"的逆否命题即:"改革开放不退则进",推进形成反"左"共识。同时应着力重构中国利益分配格局,铲除"左"的生存土壤,形成反"左"与改革的良性互动。 相似文献
203.
Kristóf István M.D. Klára Törő M.D. Ph.D. Magdolna Kardos M.D. Czirják Imre M.D. Dunay György M.D. Nemeskéri Ágnes M.D. Ph.D. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2012,57(6):1669-1674
Cardiac fibromas are benign conditions; however, their location and size may cause ventricular arrhythmias and sudden cardiac death. We report a case of a 68‐year‐old female who died suddenly. Postmortem investigation detected a huge cardiac fibroma in the pars muscularis of the interventricular septum, occupying almost the entire muscular septum, and restricting the volume of left ventricular chamber. Histological examination revealed numerous foci of calcification in the alternating complex interlacing or strictly parallel collagenous fiber mass. Tumor mass was mainly demarcated, but in some places, fibrous infiltration of surrounding working cardiac muscle was found. We present a case when direct tumor involvement in the descending left bundle branches was evidenced. Mainly, the branches of septal fascicle were disrupted, entrapped, and degenerated by the tumor mass. This case report emphasizes that postmortem histological examination of conduction system in all sudden cardiac death cases may substantially improve the accuracy of postmortem diagnosis. 相似文献
204.
DAVID McCRONE 《The Political quarterly》2012,83(1):69-76
The election of the Scottish National party as a majority government in 2011 is as challenging to the British state as it was unexpected. While explanations for SNP success focused on Labour's faulty campaign and poor leadership, the last half‐century has seen the rise and rise of the nationalist agenda in Scotland. Scotland's politics are now more different from England's than at any time since the 1950s. The Scottish parliament is the effect of that change rather than its cause, while party competition between Labour and the SNP north of the border has shifted political gravity centre‐left in contrast with England. It is not inevitable, however, that Scots would vote for Independence in a referendum. Nevertheless, Scotland is a more semi‐detached country than at any point in the history of the Union, and the future of the British state, at least in its present form, cannot be taken for granted. 相似文献
205.
PETER MUNCE 《The Political quarterly》2012,83(1):60-68
This article considers David Cameron's proposal to repeal the Human Rights Act (HRA) and replace it with a British Bill of Rights. Cameron's proposal has been heavily criticised by a range of political, academic and non‐state actors and was described by a current senior Coalition Cabinet member as ‘xenophobic’ and ‘legal nonsense’. This article takes a slightly different direction to those lines of attack and critique that have been developed of the Conservative's proposals. The central proposition of the article is that Cameron's proposal is profoundly un‐Conservative at two levels. Firstly, at the level of Conservative approaches to constitutional reform and secondly, at the level of Conservative political philosophy. 相似文献
206.
This article develops a cognitive institutionalist account of mass and elite evaluations of political ethics, which is tested on a new dataset from the United Kingdom. The analysis explores the extent of contemporary disagreement among British political elites and those they represent by comparing responses to questions asked in a representative survey of the public with similar questions asked of incumbent MPs and parliamentary candidates. There are systematic differences between members of the public, candidates and MPs at both aggregate and individual levels – differences which can be accounted for with reference to the framing effects of Parliament as an institution. Candidates for parliamentary office display significantly more tolerance of ethically dubious behaviour than other members of the public. Within the elite category, elected MPs exhibit more permissive ethical standards than those candidates who are unsuccessful. 相似文献
207.
DAPHNE HALIKIOPOULOU KYRIAKI NANOU SOFIA VASILOPOULOU 《European Journal of Political Research》2012,51(4):504-539
What can explain the strong euroscepticism of radical parties of both the right and the left? This article argues that the answer lies in the paradoxical role of nationalism as a central element in both party families, motivating opposition towards European integration. Conventionally, the link between nationalism and euroscepticism is understood solely as a prerogative of radical right‐wing parties, whereas radical left‐wing euroscepticism is associated with opposition to the neoliberal character of the European Union. This article contests this view. It argues that nationalism cuts across party lines and constitutes the common denominator of both radical right‐wing and radical left‐wing euroscepticism. It adopts a mixed‐methods approach, combining intensive case study analysis with quantitative analysis of party manifestos. First, it traces the link between nationalism and euroscepticism in Greece and France in order to demonstrate the internal validity of the argument. It then undertakes a cross‐country statistical estimation to assess the external validity of the argument and its generalisability across Europe. 相似文献
208.
This paper discusses a new probabilistic forecasting method that was designed for the 2015 British general election. It proceeds in a series of steps from opinion poll averaging, forecasting national-level vote shares and uncertainty estimates, and subsequent simulation of hypothetical election results, through modelling of constituency polls and survey data to identify and adjust for patterns in the constituency-level variation in party performance, and finally to probabilistic forecasting of seat outcomes and of different combinations of parties commanding relevant governing majorities in parliament. 相似文献
209.
NORMAN BONNEY 《The Political quarterly》2010,81(4):564-570
According to laws deriving from the constitutional developments of the seventeenth century and earlier, a new monarch of the UK has to swear oaths that renounce Roman Catholicism and uphold protestantism in the UK, presbyterianism in Scotland and the privileged established status of the Church of England. If the next monarchical succession is to be as smooth as the governmental succession of 2010 these anachronistic oaths should be considered for abolition and the whole procedure should be reviewed. There remains then only one oath requiring to be administered at the coronation to which all can agree—to govern according to the law. 相似文献
210.
英国警察武器使用法律制度经历了一个渐进的备受争议的发展过程。目前,英国警方通过培训授权武装警察、装备武装反应警车来处置需要使用武器的紧急事件。警察执行职务,只有在为了保护公民生命安全,或为使其免受严重伤害且别无选择时,方可使用致命武器。我国可以借鉴英国文职警察和授权武装警察分立的模式,确立警察使用武器的生命威胁原则,加强非致命武器的研发和运用,以完善我国警察武器使用的法律制度。 相似文献