Internationalization and democratization interconnected: the Swedish and Finnish parliaments debating membership in the League of Nations in 1920

In the aftermath of the First World War, constitutions of European states were widely democratized and parliamentarized, and similar turns were expected in international relations as a consequence of the creation of the League of Nations. This comparative analysis of Swedish and Finnish parliamentary debates on the League membership focusing on conceptualizations of the national versus international demonstrates how democratization and internationalization merged discursively. This happened to a greater extent than in the British parliament or the First Assembly of the League. Such entanglements followed from the interconnectedness of constitutional and foreign policy questions during preceding disputes on constitutional reform when Britain and Germany had provided competing models, the determination of the ministries to reconfirm national constitutional compromises by joining an international organization of democratic nations, an exceptional possibility for parliamentarians to debate foreign policy and willingness among the leftist oppositions to extend the democratization and parliamentarization of the constitutions to the field of foreign policy. After a turn from German to British political models and under a Bolshevik threat, British internationalist arguments found a positive reception among the Swedish Liberal–Social Democratic coalition and the Finnish bourgeois coalition as well as half of the redefined Finnish Social Democratic Party. Rightist and far-leftist opponents of the League were left to the margins as the membership was used to redefine the polities as internationally oriented democracies.     

民族贫困地区留守妇女“社会工作+”关爱服务体系构建——基于G省S县的调研

民族贫困地区留守妇女面临经济、情感、文化等多维贫困现状,其关爱服务体系构建是脱贫攻坚与乡村振兴的重要任务,通过参与式观察与个案访谈,在S县调研发现当地留守妇女关爱服务体系构建面临一定的挑战。在此基础上探讨传统社会工作视域的拓展,将“社会工作+”与关爱服务体系在内涵与实践路径上进行“互嵌”,从理论、主体、资金、内容四个方面探讨民族贫困地区留守妇女“社会工作+”关爱服务体系的构建。     

A Reply to ‘Labour and Antisemitism: A Crisis Misunderstood’

In their 2020 Political Quarterly article ‘Labour and antisemitism: a crisis misunderstood’, Gidley, McGeever and Feldman argue that the Labour Party’s responses to its antisemitism crisis have been misguided because its understanding of antisemitism is wrong. We must look less at cases of individual antisemites and more at the ‘reservoir of stereotypes and narratives’, in which the long (but unacknowledged) history of left antisemitism has deposited its ideas—and from which they can be easily retrieved. This response challenges the reservoir concept as ahistorical, and culturally adrift, lacking the components necessary for cultural understanding—of being rooted, contextualised, complex and contradictory, evolving and regressing, but always home to inconsistent, yet coexisting, ideas and prejudices. The authors simply ignore the political dynamics of this crisis which have allowed antisemitism to be weaponised and made it all but impossible to have a calm, serious, rigorous reflection and public debate about antisemitism, and about Israel/Palestine. Such a debate is long overdue.     

Origins of British Marxist Literary Theory

The present paper aims to make an objective assessment ofthe achievements made by the earliest British Marxist theorists and critics in the 1930s. It begins with an inquiry into the cultural and social roots for the lack of a profound Marxist intellectual tradition in Britain which was greatly responsible for the late emergence of British Marxist literary criticism. Then it is followed by an introductory analysis of the representative critical works from the hands of three famous Marxist critics of the period: Christopher Caudwell, Ralph Fox and Alick West. In the due course, it reveals their critical insights and theoretical originalities often neglected by some prominent critics and scholars of present day and points out their intellectual defects due to the limits of the time.     

Reformers and revolutionaries: the battle for the working classes in Gibraltar and its hinterland, 1902–1921

Abstract

This article examines labour organisation in Gibraltar and its hinterland from c.1914 to 1921. It demonstrates that the traditionally strong links which had existed between organisations in Gibraltar and neighbouring Spain, links based upon a shared belief in anarchist ideas and practices, had, by 1921, broken down due to the adoption of gradualist and constitutionalist politics and industrial relations by workers on the Rock. Two principle agents drove this change. First, in 1919, the British Workers’ Union established a branch in Gibraltar which successfully worked to establish itself as principle negotiator and representative of workers on the Rock. Second, a reforming governor in Gibraltar undertook to open up political spaces in Gibraltar which offered the potential to work with, rather than against, the state in the colony. By the end of the period, anarchism, and anarchist ideas, was not extinguished in Gibraltar, but they would never again serve as the inspiration for industrial and political campaigns on the Rock, much to the delight of both Gibraltarian employers and the British colonial authorities. This case-study invites further consideration of how British style trade union activity in the empire displaced indigenous forms of organising, a subject which has heretofore received scant attention.     

解读英国早期机能主义心理学

沃德是英国最早的机能心理学家，他坚持心理的主动性和统一性，强调心理的活动和机能，确定了英国早期心理学的机能主义方向。他的学生斯托特在此基础上进一步提出的心理意动说和麦独孤提出的策动心理学都是属于机能心理学的范畴。英国早期机能心理学 德国意动心理学对英国心理学影响的产物，也是欧洲机能主义心理学思想兴起的反映。     

Marching to the Left? Programmatic Competition and the 2017 Party Manifestos

This article analyses the content of the 2017 general election manifestos, and introduces the latest estimates from the Manifesto Project to explore recent ideological movements in the British party system. It reports the changing policy emphases in Conservative and Labour manifestos and the ideological positions of the major political parties in 2017. It finds that Theresa May's party produced its most left‐wing manifesto since 1964, and that Jeremy Corbyn's party produced its most left‐wing manifesto since 1992 and the election before the advent of New Labour. The article also finds that the ideological space between the Conservatives and Labour opened up in 2017, and that Northern Ireland's Democratic Unionists published the most right‐wing manifesto.     

Is Scotland a Westminster-style Majoritarian Democracy or a Scandinavian-style Consensus Democracy? A Comparison of Scotland,the UK and Sweden

The idea of ‘new politics' in Scotland, in the 1990s, was based on a rejection of the ‘majoritarian’ politics of ‘old Westminster’ in favour of a ‘consensus democracy’ associated with Scandinavian countries. Yet, the nascent literature suggests that Scottish and UK policy-making practices are similar. UK policy making does not live up to its majoritarian reputation and Scotland was designed with key ‘old Westminster’ features. We extend the comparison to Sweden, as one of several, distinctive, Nordic reference points in Scotland. We examine critically its consensual image and identify the ways in which Scotland has similar features. The study helps clarify the practical meaning of majoritarian and consensus and encourages scholars to focus on actual behaviour rather than policy-making reputations. It also informs current debates on Scotland's future, using long-term evidence to inform recent attempts to revive this focus on the Nordic ideal.     

论英国"协同政府"的理念及对中国的启示

"协同政府"是一个在英国学界经常讨论的前沿性治理模式,影响了1997-2010年英国政府治理国家和社会的政策制定及执行过程.本文旨在分析"协同政府"治理理念的起源、性质以及所存在的问题,并探讨了此理念对于中国的借鉴意义.