全文获取类型
收费全文 | 363篇 |
免费 | 11篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 9篇 |
工人农民 | 5篇 |
世界政治 | 5篇 |
外交国际关系 | 21篇 |
法律 | 85篇 |
中国共产党 | 5篇 |
中国政治 | 89篇 |
政治理论 | 57篇 |
综合类 | 98篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 3篇 |
2022年 | 2篇 |
2021年 | 6篇 |
2020年 | 11篇 |
2019年 | 2篇 |
2018年 | 5篇 |
2017年 | 6篇 |
2016年 | 8篇 |
2015年 | 6篇 |
2014年 | 29篇 |
2013年 | 44篇 |
2012年 | 22篇 |
2011年 | 27篇 |
2010年 | 31篇 |
2009年 | 31篇 |
2008年 | 21篇 |
2007年 | 30篇 |
2006年 | 13篇 |
2005年 | 14篇 |
2004年 | 15篇 |
2003年 | 12篇 |
2002年 | 15篇 |
2001年 | 16篇 |
2000年 | 2篇 |
1999年 | 2篇 |
1998年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有374条查询结果,搜索用时 31 毫秒
41.
恶意举报在群众举报中占有一定的比例。本文在分析探讨了恶意举报类别、危害性、存在的原因基础上,建议完善法律责任制度,给举报者设定责任义务,建立奖惩激励制度,加大宣传力度,改善执法方式,从而减少恶意举报的发生。 相似文献
42.
AbstractThe analysis of issue politics has long suffered from a fragmentation between valence and positional conceptualisations, preventing the effective development of a general model of issue-based party competition. Building on an overview of the evolution of party competition in the Western world in recent decades, this article offers a theoretical development that builds on ‘issue yield’ theory to provide a conceptualisation of political goals that generalises across positional and valence issues. This in turn allows a common measurement strategy, offering the possibility to comparatively assess various characteristics (including the electoral potential) of both positional and valence issues. Finally, it describes the specific research design derived from this framework and its implementation in comparative perspective in six West European countries during 2017–2018. 相似文献
43.
Luigi Curini 《West European politics》2020,43(7):1415-1435
AbstractThe article investigates whether there are specific spatial conditions that make a party more likely to pay closer attention to anti-elite rhetoric than to alternative issues in its political confrontation with other parties. The article first treats anti-elitism as a non-policy vote-winning strategy that could be valued positively by a broad class of voters across ideological lines (its ‘quasi-valence’ attribute). It is then shown that the incentive of a party to embrace such a strategy grows as the ideological space separating that party from the other(s) shrinks. This hypothesis receives empirical support from the 2014 Chapel Hill Expert Survey Data. 相似文献
44.
Lyn R. Greenberg Kathleen McNamara Betsy E. Weisz Justice Thomas Altobelli Frank Davis 《Family Court Review》2023,61(3):522-537
Children and adolescents who are having difficulty coping with stress often present with complaints of physical discomfort. Effective treatment approaches exist for many of these issues. Among high-conflict parents, however, children's medical issues can become another canvas for conflict, with parents focused more on blaming one another for the child's distress than on options for assisting the child. Professionals can be drawn into the conflict to such a degree that they overlook essential steps for addressing and managing these issues. The authors present a research-informed model for managing medical and psychophysiological issues amid parental conflict. 相似文献
45.
Party debate over Europe in national election campaigns: Electoral disunity and party cohesion
下载免费PDF全文
![点击此处可从《European Journal of Political Research》网站下载免费的PDF全文](/ch/ext_images/free.gif)
Few political parties are willing to lead the public debate on how the European Union should develop and parties rarely publicly discuss issues on the EU agenda. This is probably one of the most important democratic problems in the contemporary EU. When and why parties are willing (or not willing) to discuss European cooperation is therefore an essential issue in which political science should engage. Previous research has shown that parties that are internally divided on EU issues downplay these issues in order to avoid internal disputes. At the same time, parties that have severe intraparty conflicts over the issue are unable to contain the debate. Thus, parties that are unified in their position on EU issues and parties that are heavily split speak about the EU, but others do not. Also, earlier research has shown that political parties downplay issues in response to internal divisions among their supporters. It is argued in this article that the focus should not be solely on intraparty conflict or whether or not a party's voters are hesitant or disunited, but rather on how these factors interact in order to better understand how parties act strategically regarding EU issues. Using a new dataset that relies on quantitative content analysis of quality newspapers during the national election campaigns in the period 1983–2010 in France, Germany, the United Kingdom and Sweden, it is found that parties that have a high degree of internal dissent on European issues, while at the same time having an equally divided electorate, are the parties that are most present in the public debate. Hence, it is the interaction between these two important factors that explains much of the variation in the amount of attention paid to European issues in national election campaigns. 相似文献
46.
Sam R. Bell 《国际相互影响》2016,42(5):750-773
In this project, we investigate the relationship between the use of military force and trade interdependence, suggesting that the influence of trade on militarized conflict varies based on the issue under dispute. For some issues, trade is likely to attenuate the chances that states escalate a dispute to the use of military force, while for others trade can intensify disputes so that military conflict is more likely. Specifically, we hypothesize that greater trade interdependence decreases the probability of military conflict over realpolitik issues like territory. On the other hand, greater trade interdependence increases the probability that states use military force when the issue under dispute concerns the regime, policies, and conditions in the target. To test our hypotheses, we employ new data on dyadic uses of force from the International Military Intervention data set that records the initiator’s reason(s) for using force against the target. The statistical tests support our hypotheses; trade decreases the use of force against a target for territorial and military/diplomatic reasons, which is consistent with arguments from the liberal paradigm. However, trade interdependence increases the use of force for humanitarian and economic reasons as well as to affect the regime or policy of the target. Thus, our study improves upon current research about the relationship between economic interdependence and foreign policy by specifying a conditional relationship based on the issues under contention. 相似文献
47.
Child welfare is provided within an organizational context that both supports and thwarts the efforts of workers and administrators to meet the myriad of goals established by federal, state, and local regulation and professional bodies. As the field moves toward trauma-informed services for children and families (Ko et al., 2008), the effect of trauma on workers has received less agency attention (Middleton &; Potter, 2015). This exploratory, qualitative study examines the level of knowledge administrators have regarding vicarious trauma and probes the organizational responses of public child welfare agencies to the vicarious trauma experienced by workers. 相似文献
48.
Duane Windsor 《Journal of Public Affairs (14723891)》2001,1(4):382-415
This paper evaluates research in corporate public affairs, social issues management and political strategy, and theoretical integration of the three areas and also cross‐disciplinary and cross‐institutional collaboration, especially with business or government officials. Copyright © 2001 Henry Stewart Publications 相似文献
49.
丁敬转 《安徽警官职业学院学报》2010,9(1):70-72
在国家的新农村建设政策中,“三农问题”被提到了一个新的高度,然而在现实中的城市化和工业化过程中.却不可避免地出现了大量的失地农民。由于失去赖以生存的土地、当前征地工作中存在问题以及社会保障制度的不健全等原因,造成了失地农民无事可做,经济利益受损,社会保障权益缺失等诸多问题。为了妥善解决这一问题.应构建完善的失地农民社会保障体系,为失地农民建立社会保障制度,同时加强政府在土地征用过程中的作用,切实解决失地农民的社会保障问题。 相似文献
50.
非传统的总体国家安全观 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
中国官方虽然在世纪之交就已提出了以“互信、互利、平等、协作为核心”的“新安全观”,但这一“新安全观”阐述的是对外方安全方面的非传统安全保障途径与措施,而没有涉及内部安全及更广泛的其他传统的和非传统的安全问题,因而是低级形态的非传统安全观,也是低级形态的非传统国家安全观。当超越对外安全和国际安全,综观内外及其他各方面的总体国家安全问题时,中国官方当时及此后一段时间内秉持的依然是传统的国家安全观。与此不同,“以人民安全为宗旨”的“总体国家安全观”,不仅在强调国家安全民本性上体现了非传统思维,而且更通过强调“既重视传统安全又重视非传统安全”等多方面的论述,统一了传统安全问题与非传统安全问题两方面的丰富内容,因而是一种高级形态的非传统国家安全观。总体国家安全观既与传统国家安全观相对,又与低级形态的非传统安全观及低级形态的非传统国家安全观不同,体现出对国家安全领域传统与非传统两方面众多问题的全面性、综合性、系统性、辩证性观察、认识和处理,具有系统的非传统思维和丰富的非传统内容。但是,总体国家安全观在论及丰富的非传统国家安全问题时,也论及各种传统国家安全问题。总体国家安全观之所以“非传统”,是因为它关注和强调了各种非传统的国家安全问题;总体国家安全观之所以“总体”,是因为它兼顾了传统与非传统两方面国家安全问题;总体国家安全观之所以“高级”,是因为它用非传统思维统合了传统与非传统两方面的国家安全问题。因此,我们要重视总体国家安全观阐述的各种传统国家安全问题,更要重视总体国家安全观阐述的各种非传统国家安全问题;要全面兼顾总体国家安全观对传统与非传统两个方面国家安全问题的论述,更要重点研究总体国家安全观中涉及的各种过去长期没有受到足够重视的非传统内容;要重视总体国家安全观包括的各种非传统国家安全内容,更要重视总体国家安全观内含的非传统安全思维。 相似文献