司法文明指数是一种法治评估工具

"司法文明指数"是法治评估的一种创新性量化工具。司法文明指标体系,由4个领域、10个维度(一级指标)、50个命题(二级指标)、97个问卷题目构成,在5套问卷中形成了190个变量。该指数通过对全国各省、自治区、直辖市司法实践的实际测量,可以体现人民群众对司法工作的满意程度,反映各地司法文明建设的全景或全貌、强项和弱项,描述随时间变化的司法文明进步轨迹,为其加强司法文明建设提供一面"镜子"。该指数将对法治中国建设发挥积极促进作用,并为学者、学生和各界人士深入研究全国各地司法文明的状况提供比较全面的基础性数据和资料。     

五六十年代党在社会主义建设问题上的艰难探索

自新中国成立以后,中共党内对建设问题的较大分歧,首次表现在1956年前后的冒进和反冒进问题上,进而在对当时我国形势的困难程度以及社会发展动力的认识上,又产生较大分歧,这对我国社会的发展产生了很大的影响.这一历史教训告诉我们要建设好社会主义国家,就必须坚持从实际出发,理论联系实际的马克思主义路线.     

我国行业利益集团对规制政策制定过程的影响

规制政策本质上具有对公民和企业的权利进行分配或再分配的特点,中国国际快递委员会通过重点运用游说策略,综合利用智库、媒体等渠道,对快递业的规制政策制定施加了影响,有力地抵制了国家邮政局和邮政企业“政企同盟”的政策意图。因此,如何在今后的利益集团博弈中构筑一个各方充分参与的制度性平台,将成为今后政治体制改革的重要课题。     

建国初期甘肃的成人教育

建国初期,中共甘肃省委和省人民政府在大力发展甘肃国民教育的同时,还大力开展了全省的成人教育,取得了显著的成效,较大程度地提高了全省人民思想政治和文化知识的整体水平,为完成过渡时期的各项任务奠定了基础。     

中共八大前后刘少奇对执政党建设的卓越贡献

1949年中华人民共和国成立,中国共产党成为全国的执政党,面临的形势和任务发生了重大变化。在新的历史条件下,党如何继续保持先进性和纯洁性,巩固党的执政地位,充分发挥党的领导作用,成为摆在全党面前的重大课题。刘少奇同志作为党和国家的主要领导人,对加强执政党建设进行了深刻的思索,取得了丰硕的成果。     

Citizens’ Perceptions of Governance in Rural and Urban China

This article presents three main findings from a purposive stratified survey of urban and rural residents. First, Chinese citizens “disaggregate” the state with high levels of satisfaction for Central government that fall dramatically as government gets closer to the people. Satisfaction levels are noticeably lower for those in rural China. Second, attitudes about the way policy is implemented by local governments raise concerns. Irrespective of place of residence, respondents feel that when implementing policy local officials and governments are mainly concerned with their own interests, are more receptive to the views of their superiors rather than those of ordinary people, favor those with money, and are formalistic in implementing policy rather than dealing with actual problems. Third, the areas of work that citizens would really like government to concentrate on are job creation and providing basic guarantees to protect against the shocks of the transition to a market economy. Tony Saich is the Daewoo Professor of International Affairs, Kennedy School of Government, Harvard University and Director of the Harvard University Asia Center. His recent research focuses on the development of social policy in China, particularly on the provision of public goods by local governments. His publications include Governance and Politics of China by Palgrave and edited volumes on Financial Sector Reform in China (with Yasheng Huang and Edward Steinfeld) and AIDS and Social Policy in China (with Joan Kaufman and Arthur Kleinman both by Harvard University Asia Center. He would like to thank Edward Cunningham for his great help in preparing this article. He also wants to thank Victor Yuan (Horizon Market Research Company) for his tremendous help in designing the survey and implementing it. In addition, I would like to thank Anita Chan, Martin King Whyte and two anonymous reviewers for their extremely helpful comments on an earlier draft.     

The Politics of Poverty Mis-targeting in China

Based upon a county level analysis, this article explores the complex processes of poverty mis-targeting in China and supplements the pre-existing literature with a bottom-up analysis. It argues that the rational calculations of key county leaders, shaped by a combination of formal and informal institutions, determine whether a county, irrespective of poverty level, competes for the title of “state-designated poorest county (SDPC).” This article also demonstrates that the interaction between formal and informal institutions is dynamic and subject to change. For future relevant research, this article suggests to analyze the practice of poverty reduction in a disaggregated manner by examining the interplay within and among different levels of government. Juan Wang, a Ph.D candidate in political science at Johns Hopkins University, is the author of “Going beyond Township and Village Enterprises,” Journal of Contemporary China, Issue 14, Volume 42, (February 2005), pp.171–181. The author is particularly grateful to Kellee Tsai for her valuable suggestions and support throughout this project. I am indebted to William Rowe, Mark Blyth, Wang Sangui and anonymous reviewers for their insightful comments. The Institute of Global Studies (IGS) of Johns Hopkins University receives my gratitude for its financial support of this project.     

美国“亚太遏制”战略与中国“和谐世界”外交的博弈——评2008年美国《中国军力报告》

2008年3月,美国国防部最新出台的所谓<中国军力报告>是小布什政府任内最后一份相关文件.回顾过去8年,小布什政府任内的8份相关文件,明显地透露出美国强化在亚太地区"遏制中国",以保持其在这一地区的传统优势的战略意图.基于中国的发展离不开稳定的周边环境的事实,中国提出"和谐外交"与"和谐世界"的外交战略.面对美国在亚太地区的"遏制"战略,中国的"和谐"战略是否可以成功应对?这是值得关注的问题.     

“和平发展”视域下的中国国际安全环境

十七大报告在阐释我国的外交理念时指出，“中国将始终不渝走和平发展道路”（P46）。这一理念奠定了新时期中国外交的基本方略。始终不渝走和平发展道路，是中国政府和人民根据时代发展潮流和自身根本利益作出的战略抉择，走和平发展道路将是中国今后很长一段时期内的基本外交理念。     

“当代中国马克思主义大众化”学理探析

“当代中国马克思主义大众化”是“当代中国”的“马克思主义大众化”；把“当代中国马克思主义大众化”解读为“马克思主义”在“当代中国”“大众化”既是“马克思主义”发展的客观趋势，又是当代中国“大众”的实际需要，它反映出我们的“马克思主义观”有了一个根本性的转变，即由以传统的“主义”为中心转变为以民众现实的“问题”为中心；推动“当代中国马克思主义大众化”，就必须深化研究“当代中国”“大众”的实际需要、根本利益和现实问题，以解决“大众”关心的重大的现实问题为突破口。