让理论创新成为引导社会进步的强大动力--纪念邓小平南方谈话十周年

邓小平南方谈话是马克思主义理论创新的光辉典范。南方谈话是在重大的历史关头,抓住阻碍我国社会前进的要害问题进行的理论创新。南方谈话以“三个有利于”作为根本的价值取向,以“大胆地试、大胆地闯”的精神推进了理论创新向实践创新的转化。     

市场社会主义和社会资本主义

根据当代社会主义和资本主义的发展现状,应从历史唯物主义的层面抽象出“市场社会主义”和“社会资本主义”这两个科学社会主义的新范畴,以反映客观现实并指导我们正确地观察当代世界,观察当代中国。     

试析"一个中国"原则的来源和内涵

台湾问题起源于国共两党的斗争 ,是一个客观存在的中国历史遗留问题 ,这构成“一个中国”原则的历史来源 ;台湾问题在本质上属于中国的内部事务 ,这构成“一个中国”原则的逻辑来源。因此 ,台湾问题是中国的内政 ,两岸之间无论存在多大的分歧都要在“一个中国”原则下协商解决 ;从促成国家统一的角度出发 ,“一个中国”原则的真正内涵是 :世界上只有一个中国 ,台湾是中国的一部分 ,中国的主权和领土完整不能分割。只有坚持真正的“一个中国”原则 ,才能和平解决台湾问题     

中国加入WTO对统一战线工作的影响

加入WTO我国社会各领域将产生深刻变化 ,对统一战线和统战工作也必然会带来一系列重大影响。科学分析加入WTO对我国及对统一战线的影响 ,认真制定相应的工作思路与对策 ,应成为当前统一战线理论研究的一项重要内容。     

布卢姆认知领域教育目标分类理论评析

生物学上动植物分类学的理论为布卢姆构造其认知领域教育目标分类理论提供了借鉴。根据人的认知目标是从识记相对简单的知识到非常抽象的思维这样一个渐进过程,布卢姆把教育的认知目标分为六大主类（识记、领会、应用、分析、综合及评价）以及其它亚类。这种理论被证明“对研究和教学两方面都是相当有用的”。但由于布卢姆认知目标分类理论不是认识过程的先后层次,不是行为发展的过程,没有揭示出能力形成的内在机制,也缺乏学习理论的指导,导致了教育实践中的诸多困惑。我们应对布卢姆理论进行深刻的反思,立足本国实际,构建本土的教育目标分类理论。     

“中国罪犯DNA数据库“模式库:13个STR位点基因在中国人群中的分布

目的:对D3S1358、vWA、FGA、D8S1179、D21S11、D18S51、D5S818、D13S317、D16S539、THO1、TPOX、CSF1PO、D7S820等13个STR位点进行多态性调查,探索其用于"罪犯DNA数据库"的可行性.方法:用多重PCR和四色荧光自动化检测技术分析13个STR位点的基因型,计算各位点等位基因的分布频率.结果:获得13个STR位点在中国南北汉族、维吾尔族、回族人群中的等位基因分布频率资料.结论:上述位点适合作为中国人群的遗传学标志,用于"中国罪犯DNA数据库"的建立.     

中国与东盟的贸易和投资关系研究

中国与东盟的经济贸易关系特别是贸易和投资关系,自1967年以来经历了不同的发展阶段,其间出现过波动.但近年来随着金融危机的过去和双边政治关系的改善,经济贸易得到迅速发展.目前,中国与东盟的经贸合作的主要领域是商品贸易、服务贸易、相互投资、区域开发和科技合作等方面,在此基础上,应通过各种渠道协调相互关系,相互给予优惠贸易安排,加强区域合作,加强科技、教育、文化、卫生保健等领域的合作,以促进双边的贸易和投资等进一步发展.     

Work and Family Life among Migrant Factory Workers in China and Vietnam

ABSTRACT

Through on-site interviewing, a comparative study has been carried out about migrant factory workers in industrialised parts of China’s Guangdong province and in Vietnam’s Ho Chi Minh City. Even though China and Vietnam possess similar legacies of socialist transformation and have household registration regulations that restrict rural migrants’ access to urban social services and impede their settlement in cities, there exist marked differences in Guangdong and Ho Chi Minh City in migration patterns, factory work conditions and migrant worker family livelihoods. In particular, migrant families in Ho Chi Minh City largely stay intact and tend to settle there permanently, while married migrant workers in Guangdong normally need to split up their families and remain trapped in circular rural–urban migration. As shall be seen, the national and local governments play important roles in determining the inclusion or exclusion of migrants from urban life, the wages they are paid and their standard of living and, most important of all, their children’s access to education. Each of the two countries’ differences in implementing policies is examined and comparatively analysed.     

Global reporting from the Third World: the Afro-Asian Journalists’ Association, 1963–1974

ABSTRACT

Originating from the 1955 Bandung Conference, the Afro-Asian Journalists’ Association (AAJA) promoted international collaboration among journalists in newly independent countries. Built on an inclusive foundation of peaceful co-existence, the AAJA contributed to the development of expansive global information networks, lively intellectual traffic, and rich visual arts among Afro-Asian nations. However, the cosmopolitanism of its early years was later undermined by the decline of constitutional democracy in Indonesia and a lack of cohesion among Afro-Asian nations. After the September Thirtieth Movement in Indonesia in 1965, the AAJA relocated to Beijing and was mobilized by the Chinese state to promote the P.R.C. as the leader of an embittered Third World’s battle against American imperialism and Soviet revisionism. In the early 1970s, ideological fervor began abating in China. During this time, Mao’s reframing of the three worlds, which was based on developmental measurements, redirected the AAJA’s Third World discourse to issues of modernization until its quiet dissolution in 1974. The history of the AAJA demonstrates the complex and often conflicted ways in which two important post-colonial states – Indonesia and China – conceptualized “the Third World” and formulated media representations during the Cold War.     

Precarity,Cognitive (Non-)Resistance and the Conservative Working Class in China

ABSTRACT

Workers’ resistance is crucial to understanding how the working class respond to the growing labour precarity in post-socialist China. The labour studies literature posits that inequality and volatile capital movements increase workers’ precarity and lead to stronger labour resistance, such as strikes. However, workers’ cognition as an integral part of resistance has been rarely studied. This article examines cognitive resistance by Chinese workers from different tier cities by looking at their social trust, class identity, understanding of policies and class solidarity. Despite capital movements and precarity causing more labour unrest, it does not necessarily lead to a stronger cognitive resistance. While inequality and precarity are greater in the more developed megacities with a shifting capital favourability, workers in megacities display a more conservative cognitive resistance than those from the lower-tier cities. This study of workers’ cognitive resistance provides insight into the future of the Chinese labour movement. It argues that the working class’s current cognitive non-resistance suggests that even if a window of opportunity were to appear in the wall of state oppression, workers are not cognitively prepared to coalesce into a coherent social movement that would bring about transformative changes.