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121.
李晓伟 《思想战线》2001,27(2):19-22
在美国的外交决策中,利益集团有着不可忽视的影响力.冷战后,利益集团更是公开走到了前台,通过游说等手段间接地影响着美国对外政策的制定.为此,中国在处理中美关系时,必须把美国各利益集团因素考虑进去,大力开展第二渠道外交.  相似文献   
122.
经济结构调整是经济发展的重要基础.社会主义市场经济体系的不断完善和经济全球化的趋势,要求我们加快经济结构调整步伐.我们要调整农业的种植品种结构,推进农业产业化进程.加快工业的改组改造,发展高新技术产业.加快城市化建设步伐,努力实施西部大开发战略,继续调整和完善所有制结构.  相似文献   
123.
冷战结束后,和平与发展是时代的主题,但是世界出现了“一超多强”的多极化政治新格局。因此,清醒认识当代国际政治格局走向,正确应对国际政治斗争的复杂形势,是争取持久世界和平的前提,是贯彻党的一系列战略部署和战略决策,形成我国在国际政治斗争中的主动地位的重要条件。  相似文献   
124.
江泽民“七·一”讲话是新时代的中国共产党宣言。它从概括党的历史经验、揭示“三个代表”重要思想、解放思想实事求是的科学内涵、研究和把握基本规律的新观念等十个方面阐述了我党在一系列重大理论和实践问题上形成的新认识。  相似文献   
125.
卫灵 《外交评论》2001,(4):31-38
中美关系是一对重要的大国关系,但是中美关系的发展一直跌宕起伏,不太顺利.究其原因,美国国会在对华政策方面的作用是重要的,在阻碍中美关系发展的诸多问题上起了推波助澜的作用.其间,两党间的斗争、国会与总统的权力较量、利益集团的活动,以及意识形态上的分歧,都是影响国会立场的重要因素.布什政府的对华政策尚处在调整阶段,除不可避免地继续受到来自国会方面的牵制外,还有其他多种因素的制约.因此虽然总体表现较为强硬,但不会与克林顿政府的对华政策轨迹有质的偏离.  相似文献   
126.
中国加入 WT O后 ,证券业的开放是一种必然的趋势。面对这种状况 ,我国证券业应当采取的措施是 :加快金融改革 ,提高金融运行的市场化程度 ;逐步推进金融业的混业经营 ,提高经济证券化程度 ;大力培育较大规模证券经营机构 ;改革和完善证券市场的创新机制 ;建立有效的市场监管体系  相似文献   
127.
Hukou and land: market reform and rural displacement in China   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
Scholarship about the Chinese hukou (household registration) system has focused on the advantages and entitlements associated with urban hukou. This paper shifts attention to the key entitlement provided by rural hukou – village land. While early hukou reforms were mainly designed to open up urban labor markets to rural migrants, recent reforms have also begun to open up rural land markets, by replacing hukou-based land rights with market-based rights. These reforms are designed to facilitate land concentration and the transfer of land to outside developers and agribusiness companies, which has been hindered by hukou-based land rights. Underlying the reforms is the government's agenda of promoting large-scale agriculture and urbanization, both of which require the removal of a large portion of the rural population from the land. By focusing on land rights rather than urban benefits, this paper provides a new perspective on the evolution of the hukou system, and highlights the negative implications of recent reforms for livelihood security in the countryside.  相似文献   
128.
The food riots of 2007–2008 jolted authoritarian regimes and international agencies into action. The riots also began to crack neoliberal hegemony over the global food system. Food riots have often driven a politics of provisions, sometimes winning relief, sometimes merely bloody repression, depending on a particular country’s political economy. Such bargaining in the politics of provisions is made possible by existing networks – of solidarity among the common people and reciprocity between them and their rulers – that extend elements of ‘normal’ politics into crises. This paper explores how riotous extensions of such sociopolitical networks shaped food politics in early modern England and China, Famine Ireland, the ‘IMF (International Monetary Fund) austerity riots’ of the 1980s and 1990s, and the food riots of 2007–2008.  相似文献   
129.
The so-called ‘nexus’ approach has recently been promoted as addressing externalities across the water, food and energy sectors, thus helping to achieve ‘water/energy/food security for all’, ‘equitable and sustainable growth’ and a ‘resilient and productive environment’. While these are noble goals, this article argues that the reality on the ground appears to be taking a different direction, at least when it comes to China and its neighbours in South and Southeast Asia. There, a new era of large-scale water infrastructure development is creating several security-related problems, which represent serious challenges to the nexus goals. These challenges include food–energy tensions, human security threats and ecological risks. These challenges can also be linked to rising friction surrounding the management of water, food and energy resources in the region. The article argues that, in order for the nexus goals to be achieved in China and the countries on its southern periphery, there must first be increased awareness of this nexus among policy-making elites.  相似文献   
130.
This paper argues that the Chinese government’s ‘belt and road’ initiative – the Silk Roads vision of land and maritime logistics and communications networks connecting Asia, Europe and Africa – has its roots in sub-national ideas and practices, and that it reflects their elevation to the national level more than the creation of substantially new policy content. Further, the spatial paradigms inherent in the Silk Roads vision reveal the reproduction of capitalist developmental ideas expressed particularly in the form of networks, which themselves have become a feature of contemporary global political economy. In other words, the Silk Roads vision is more of a ‘spatial fix’ than a geopolitical manoeuvre.  相似文献   
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