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241.
中国与东盟的贸易和投资关系研究   总被引:6,自引:0,他引:6  
刘青 《思想战线》2000,26(5):73-77
中国与东盟的经济贸易关系特别是贸易和投资关系,自1967年以来经历了不同的发展阶段,其间出现过波动.但近年来随着金融危机的过去和双边政治关系的改善,经济贸易得到迅速发展.目前,中国与东盟的经贸合作的主要领域是商品贸易、服务贸易、相互投资、区域开发和科技合作等方面,在此基础上,应通过各种渠道协调相互关系,相互给予优惠贸易安排,加强区域合作,加强科技、教育、文化、卫生保健等领域的合作,以促进双边的贸易和投资等进一步发展.  相似文献   
242.
ABSTRACT

Through on-site interviewing, a comparative study has been carried out about migrant factory workers in industrialised parts of China’s Guangdong province and in Vietnam’s Ho Chi Minh City. Even though China and Vietnam possess similar legacies of socialist transformation and have household registration regulations that restrict rural migrants’ access to urban social services and impede their settlement in cities, there exist marked differences in Guangdong and Ho Chi Minh City in migration patterns, factory work conditions and migrant worker family livelihoods. In particular, migrant families in Ho Chi Minh City largely stay intact and tend to settle there permanently, while married migrant workers in Guangdong normally need to split up their families and remain trapped in circular rural–urban migration. As shall be seen, the national and local governments play important roles in determining the inclusion or exclusion of migrants from urban life, the wages they are paid and their standard of living and, most important of all, their children’s access to education. Each of the two countries’ differences in implementing policies is examined and comparatively analysed.  相似文献   
243.
Taomo Zhou 《亚洲研究》2019,51(2):166-197
ABSTRACT

Originating from the 1955 Bandung Conference, the Afro-Asian Journalists’ Association (AAJA) promoted international collaboration among journalists in newly independent countries. Built on an inclusive foundation of peaceful co-existence, the AAJA contributed to the development of expansive global information networks, lively intellectual traffic, and rich visual arts among Afro-Asian nations. However, the cosmopolitanism of its early years was later undermined by the decline of constitutional democracy in Indonesia and a lack of cohesion among Afro-Asian nations. After the September Thirtieth Movement in Indonesia in 1965, the AAJA relocated to Beijing and was mobilized by the Chinese state to promote the P.R.C. as the leader of an embittered Third World’s battle against American imperialism and Soviet revisionism. In the early 1970s, ideological fervor began abating in China. During this time, Mao’s reframing of the three worlds, which was based on developmental measurements, redirected the AAJA’s Third World discourse to issues of modernization until its quiet dissolution in 1974. The history of the AAJA demonstrates the complex and often conflicted ways in which two important post-colonial states – Indonesia and China – conceptualized “the Third World” and formulated media representations during the Cold War.  相似文献   
244.
ABSTRACT

Workers’ resistance is crucial to understanding how the working class respond to the growing labour precarity in post-socialist China. The labour studies literature posits that inequality and volatile capital movements increase workers’ precarity and lead to stronger labour resistance, such as strikes. However, workers’ cognition as an integral part of resistance has been rarely studied. This article examines cognitive resistance by Chinese workers from different tier cities by looking at their social trust, class identity, understanding of policies and class solidarity. Despite capital movements and precarity causing more labour unrest, it does not necessarily lead to a stronger cognitive resistance. While inequality and precarity are greater in the more developed megacities with a shifting capital favourability, workers in megacities display a more conservative cognitive resistance than those from the lower-tier cities. This study of workers’ cognitive resistance provides insight into the future of the Chinese labour movement. It argues that the working class’s current cognitive non-resistance suggests that even if a window of opportunity were to appear in the wall of state oppression, workers are not cognitively prepared to coalesce into a coherent social movement that would bring about transformative changes.  相似文献   
245.
246.
布什政府第一任期内的对台政策经历了从亲台、抚台向抑台的转变,呈现出不断调整、战略清晰化、军事关系强化、与对华政策反向互动等特征.未来美国对台政策将以维持台海现状为主,继续对台军售、提升美台关系,拉拢日本等盟国参与,对重大"台独"事变发生时大陆可能采取的武力解决方针进行"吓阻",但也会继续遏制"台独",支持两岸接触谈判.我们应当以新的思路改善两岸关系及与周边国家的关系,铲除美国"以台制华"着力点,分化美国"以台制华"同盟,战术上"以美制台",增强自身经济、军事实力和制度竞争力,做好应付战争的准备.  相似文献   
247.
进入新千年,凤凰卫视制作播出了大型电视纪录片<唐人街>,首次以纪录片形式透视了海外华人的生存境况,在艺术与市场上都取得了巨大成功.本文对<唐人街>独具特色的制作理念、信息内容、表现方式、传播途径作了全面分析.  相似文献   
248.
近年来伴随着“三个代表”重要思想的研究高潮,中国先进文化的研究也广泛地展开。学术界对先进文化的研究主要集中于先进文化的内涵、特征、前进方向以及如何发展中国的先进文化。  相似文献   
249.
"三个代表"重要思想对高校共青团工作具有重大指导意义.面对各种机遇和挑战,高校共青团组织要强化政治意识,深化服务功能,树立创新观念,全面推进新时期高校共青团工作.  相似文献   
250.
统战须做人的工作,应了解中国素朴民本思想。其合理立意,“君民”互动,“信”“诚”“礼”“刑”与“民”之关系,民本的目的性、主体性,“君”“民”区别对待等理论对统战都有启示、借鉴意义。  相似文献   
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