吧国公堂对华人宗教活动的管理

受原乡传统的影响,中国人在向印尼移民的过程中,也把传统的宗教信仰带到了印尼。自有华人定居吧城之时起,就"有人必有庙"。至元明时期,华人庙宇已遍布印尼各地,尤以吧城为盛。吧国公堂是荷兰殖民时期吧城华人处理华人社会内部诸项事务的具有半自治性质的行政和司法机构,对华人宗教活动的管理是其重要职能之一。吧国公堂名下有华人四大佛教庙宇,即观音亭、完劫寺、安恤神庙和玄天上帝庙,其中以观音亭建立时间最早、影响最大。为管理与维护上述四大寺庙,公堂设置有专门的"掌庙宇公勃低"一职,还定期安排官员轮值管理不同的寺庙。公堂对华人寺庙的管理,包括主持中元节及清明节祭祀等宗教活动、寺庙的重修与维护、募集善缘题捐、监管寺庙日常工作(包括向荷印殖民政府申请僧人移民来到吧城,负责各寺庙僧众的选任、离职和监管,监督寺庙所属土地及房屋的出租,管理寺庙所属器具,监管寺庙日常收支及处理寺庙与周边民众的纠纷等等)。在某种意义上,吧国公堂对华人宗教活动的管理是其半自治性质的一种体现。到19世纪中后期,随着荷兰殖民统治力量的增强,公堂的自治权逐渐被削弱。二战后印尼政府又对华人宗教活动进行诸多限制,于是公堂对华人宗教活动的管理权逐步丧失。1970年代印尼政府更下令将具有华族色彩的庙宇(Klenteng)改为佛寺(Vihara),并禁止华人再建新的庙宇。     

论当代中国马克思主义政治经济学的新境界

政治经济学与经济学的主要区别在于是否研究生产关系。马克思主义政治经济学用唯物主义的自然史的方法论述经济关系。当代中国马克思主义政治经济学有如下新境界：准确把握中国社会主要矛盾的变化,准确把握中国经济新常态,创新宏观调控思路和方式等。历史发展没有止境,当代中国马克思主义政治经济学新境界的开拓也没有止境。而要不断开拓当代中国马克思主义政治经济学的新境界,需要有科学的方法论和正确的思考方式,既着眼当前又立足长远,做到“六个坚持”,具有批判精神,尤其是必须深入学习马克思主义政治经济学的基本原理和习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想。     

理论、历史与现实:中国特色社会主义制度优势的三维考察

中国特色社会主义制度优势是人们坚持中国道路的重要前提,是深化中国理论的重要资源,是发展中国文化的重要保障。中国制度优势深刻蕴含着中国共产党对"三大规律"的深刻系统把握,把握中国特色社会主义制度的优势,就是要从历史唯物主义的高度阐述中国制度与人类社会其他制度相比较所具有的优势。中国制度不是自然形成的,其形成和发展有着自身的历史逻辑。中国制度优势也不是天然存在的,正是在新中国成立尤其是改革开放以来中国制度形成的历史逻辑中逐步得到体现的。制度设计和制度执行力是制度优势的表现形式,而制度优势的评价标准只能是实践,当代中国的伟大实践一再证实了中国制度优势。     

‘Democratic Socialism’ and the Concept of (Post)Capitalism

This article explores the ‘democratic socialism’ being proposed by new left movements on either side of the Atlantic, and evaluates its claim to be a form of anti- or postcapitalism. It argues that in the democratic socialist worldview, the line between capitalism and socialism rests on the balance of power between workers and capitalists in the economic sphere. While traditional social democracy seeks to redistribute wealth but leaves relations between workers and capitalists within firms untouched, democratic socialism seeks to abolish private property in the economic sphere. Production is controlled democratically by the workers themselves, in league with a workers’ state. The article critically appraises the claim that such a scenario constitutes a form of postcapitalism. Drawing on the work of critical Marxists such as Moishe Postone, it argues that capitalism is not primarily defined by private property relations in the economic sphere, but rather the peculiar social form of capitalist labour. Unlike in pre-capitalist societies, for labour in capitalism to secure a continued basis on which to reproduce the means of subsistence, it must be socially validated as ‘value-producing’. The criteria for value validation is not set in the workplace, or within a single nation state, but rather on the world market. The article concludes that, for all its merits, the democratisation of workplaces does not overcome the need for this social validation, but rather constitutes an alternative form of managing the process of production in this context. As such, democratic socialism, like social democracy, remains susceptible to the same imperatives and crises as other forms of capitalist production, and so cannot be said to constitute a form of ‘postcapitalism’.     

Do As I Did Not As I Say: Blair,New Labour and Party Traditions

Corbynism, to its internal critics, is a ‘hard left’ anachronism. New Labour, to its detractors, was basically Thatcherism. We argue that these meta narratives, critical to internal identity, are flawed. They are pulling the party apart for reasons of political strength and at the expense both of broader interpretation and longer-term cohesion. Through an analysis of ‘early’ New Labour, we show that how Blair’s project ended is not how it began, and therefore isn’t the whole story. The now half-forgotten history of New Labour in opposition holds important lessons, including for those trying—for the most part unsuccessfully—to keep the ‘modernising’ flame alive. If the modernisers are to win more converts to their cause they must learn to do what Blair and New Labour did in opposition and not what Blair says today. Drawing on the concept of Labour’s ‘ethos’, we offer five lessons from the party’s past.     

The Attitudes of the Chinese Middle Class Towards Democracy

Little has been done to quantitatively establish the connection between the middle class and a specific regime type. In an effort to fill in the gap, this study uses Asian Barometer survey dataset to examine the attitudes and orientation of China’s rising middle class. We find that the Chinese middle class does show higher democratic orientation than those we categorize as lower class, but only if class is defined by occupation or by self-identification, and not by income level. We interpret this result to mean that economic development offers new life experiences with the creation of new types of professions and enhances people’s agreement with modern democratic values by arousing people’s consciousness of their new social class status.

试论日本据台与闽粤移民之中挫——以《清国人入境台湾条例》为中心

1895年台湾沦为日本的殖民地,海峡两岸关系发生了重大变化,台湾住民被认定为所谓“日本国民”。随着《清国人入境台湾条例》的颁布实施,传统闽粤移民渡台历史进程遭致中挫。日据后迁徙台湾的闽粤民众被称做“华侨”,成为侨居者。此后,台湾社会历史进入以内生性发展为主的新阶段。     

中药方剂对试验性鸡葡萄球菌性关节炎保护的组织病理学研究

采用右侧关节腔直接接种金黄色葡萄球菌的方法人工复制鸡葡萄球菌性关节炎的病理模型,通过在饲料中添加一定比例的中药方剂,并在接种金黄色葡萄球菌后第7、14、21、35天,各组随机取4只鸡进行剖杀,取心、肝、肺、肾等脏器进行组织病理学观察,检测本教研室所组方剂对鸡葡萄球菌性关节炎的防治效果。结果表明,试验组鸡的脏器变化趋势与感染对照组鸡相似,均为试验初期急性病变,此后病变逐渐减轻,但试验组鸡的脏器在初期明显较感染对照组的病变轻,且此后病变减轻与恢复出现的时间早,速度快。表明,本试验所用中药方剂具有保护内脏器官,促进组织恢复的功能,可以预防和治疗鸡葡萄球菌性关节炎。     

解读日本新版《防卫计划大纲》

2010年12月17日,日本新一期《防卫计划大纲》正式出台。作为指导日本国防建设的纲领性文件,新大纲将设定未来10年自卫队建设的总体方向。与前几份防卫大纲相比,新大纲在防卫构想、防卫重点、防卫力量建设等方面均做出了较大调整,有着鲜明的特点,反映了日本的防卫政策走向,其变化值得人们关注。     

新形势下的非法集资特点及对策

当前的非法集资呈现出集资手段多样、新颖,侵害对象多元化,涉案数额巨大,犯罪组织严密,跨地区流动作案等特点。非法集资扰乱了正常的金融秩序,破坏了社会的安定团结,处理不当后果严重,寻找相应的防治对策是十分必要的。