汉语外来词摭谈

汉语吸收外来词有着悠久的历史.随着汉语的不断发展,被吸收进来的外来词越来越多.吸收外来词,主要有音译和音加意译两种方法;一些多意词则根据其语境而定.但不论采取哪种方法,都应遵守汉语语言规范,符合我们民族的语言习惯.     

思想政治工作实效性刍议

如何提高新形势下思想政治工作的实效性 ,是当前一个紧迫的现实问题。思想政治工作实效性的内涵 ,影响实效性的因素 ,对当前思想政治工作存在的问题进行分析 ,从七个方面提出了有针对性的对策建议。     

毛泽东的中西文化比较观

本文对毛泽东的中西文化比较观的探讨,从三个层面展开.首先阐述毛泽东的中西文化比较研究重在揭示古今之异,亦即把握封建文化与资本主义文化的对立;其次通过对毛泽东早年有关论述的具体分析,以说明毛泽东的中西文化的比较研究尤其关注中西文化在道德方面的差异,借以强调中国文化为伦理形态的文化,不重视知识论意义上的文化,只重视道德文化;再次阐述毛泽东的中西文化比较研究不是一种纯理论的探索,而是为了提倡向西方学习.     

对宗教"五性"的再认识

宗教“五性”是马克思主义宗教观与我国社会宗教实际相结合的产物 ,是马克思主义宗教理论在新的历史条件下的坚持和发展 ,是完善和正确执行党的宗教政策的基本点。我国正处于社会转型时期 ,对宗教“五性”的再认识 ,是我们进一步深化对国情的再认识。     

Bush: The Sequel

This article examines the likely foreign policy initiatives of the U.S. under the leadership of George W. Bush. The new president has outlined a fairly thorough critique of America's international behavior in the 1990s. Because a leader's public statements arguably serve to persuade various audiences and to build support for policy change, the article takes Bush's words quite seriously—along with those spoken or written by his closest foreign affairs advisors. Bush intends to abandon the so-called Clinton Doctrine and deploy national missile defenses. He is critical of American policies toward China and Russia, but has not presented bold new initiatives toward those powers. Under the rubric of "compassionate conservatism," Bush may alter U.S. relations toward the Global South in some interesting ways. The president and his advisors often purport to be realists, but the article demonstrates that their own words belie this claim as they often justify policies based on ideals rather than the pursuit of power.     

我国社会学重建以来的学科发展

本文在文献分析的基础上,把我国社会学自重建以来的学科发展的基本状况,分为七个主要领域:社会发展研究,社会结构研究,社会问题、社会政策和社会工作研究,社会观念与社会心态研究,社会学基本理论研究,社会学方法研究,国外社会学研究。对每一领域的主要进展进行了回顾性总结。针对学科发展中存在的一些问题,提出了促进社会学学科长期健康发展应妥善处理的一些关系和应加以落实的几项举措。     

创造良好外部环境 促进中小企业发展

中小企业的发展受到许多外部条件的制约 ,如 :缺乏统一的宏观管理体制 ;缺乏公平的经济政策环境 ;融资环境不顺畅 ;社会化服务体系和法律保障体系不健全等。为促进我国中小企业的发展 ,结合我国国情 ,提出如下建议 :解放思想 ,转变观念 ;建立统一的中小企业管理机构 ;建立政策性融资渠道 ;发展创新直接融资渠道和间接融资渠道 ;建立健全社会化服务体系以及法律保障体系     

一个民族没有自尊心和自信心是立不起来的——学习邓小平关于提高民族自尊心和自信心思想的体会

提高民族自尊心和自信心具有重要的意义 ,它可以坚定中国人民走自己的路 ,使中国人民信心百倍地把自己的事情做得更好 ,坚定不移地走建设有中国特色的社会主义道路。提高民族自尊心和自信心的基本思路是 :坚持中国共产党的领导 ;坚持独立自主的方针 ;加快我国经济的发展速度 ;进行民族团结和社会稳定的教育 ;加强革命传统的教育 ;用中华民族的血泪史教育广大青少年和人民群众 ;发扬自力更生和艰苦奋斗的创业精神 ;批判资本主义制度的虚伪性 ;弘扬振兴中华的爱国主义     

The legacy of subalternity and Gramsci’s national–popular: populist discourse in the case of the Islamic Republic of Iran

Drawing on Laclau’s concept of populist discourse and Gramsci’s ‘national–popular collective will’, and using the case of Iran, this article puts forward the idea of the legacy of subalternity in the context of post-revolution governments. The concept of ‘national–popular collective will’ facilitates an understanding of how the popular subject is constructed and the meanings embedded in that process. It is argued that Islamic Republic elites articulate a populist discourse that constructs the ‘self’ (the Islamic Republic) as synonymous with ‘the people’. Embedded in this discursive construction is a legacy of subalternity that goes back to the 1979 Revolution’s populist discourse.     

National identity-building and the “Ustaša-nostalgia” in Croatia: the past that will not pass

Most scholarship on post-Communist Croatia claims that the first Croatian president, Franjo Tu?man, intentionally rehabilitated the legacy of the World War II (WWII) Croatian Usta?a and its Nazi-puppet state. The rehabilitation of the Usta?a has been linked to Tu?man’s national reconciliation politics that tended toward a particular “forgetting of the past.” The national reconciliation was conceptualized as a joint struggle of both the Croatian anti-fascist Partisan and the Croatian WWII fascist Usta?a successors to achieve Croatian independence. However, the existing scholarship does not offer a comprehensive explanation of the nexus between national reconciliation and the rehabilitation of the Usta?a. Hence, this article will present how “Usta?a-nostalgia” does not stem from Tu?man’s intentions, but rather from the morphological gap occurring in Tu?man’s nation-building idea. Namely, Tu?man’s condemnation of the entire idea of Yugoslavism and Yugoslavia eventually brought about the perception that any historical agent advocating the idea of an independent Croatia is better than any form of Croatian Yugoslavism. Finally, the article will present how contemporary Croatian society is still seeped in “Usta?a-nostalgia” due to the hesitation of the post-Tu?man Croatian politics to come to terms with the legacy of his national reconciliation politics.