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891.
The main objective of this paper is to model the production and supply response in Chinese agriculture, which includes not only the standard arguments like expected prices but also risk. We extend Lin's work [1991, 1992] by modelling supply response as a three-equation model. We fit our model to data for 28 Chinese provinces from 1970 to 1997 to determine whether national Chinese agricultural supply is price and price risk responsive. Further, we fit our model to data for North, Northeast, South and Southeast regions. Results from the three systems equations are compared to single equation estimations. At the national level, Chinese agriculture is found to be price and price risk responsive. The regional analyses suggest that significant regional differences exist. Unlike Lin, we do not find the household responsibility system (HRS) to be the dominant factor in increased yields in different regions of China.  相似文献   
892.
Abstract

This article addresses the role of the university and institutions of higher learning in carrying out the mandate of the World Conference against Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and Related Intolerance (WCAR), held in Durban, South Africa in 2001. The active contribution of the university is anticipated in Article 98 of the Programme of Action published in the Report of the World Conference (2001), which clearly states:
We emphasize the importance and necessity of teaching about the facts and truth of the history of humankind from antiquity to the recent past, as well as of teaching about the facts and truth of the history, causes, nature and consequences of racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and related intolerance, with a view to achieving a comprehensive and objective cognizance of the tragedies of the past.  相似文献   
893.
近年来,中国企业对外矿业投资发展迅速。鉴于市场竞争程度、开发成本及自身实力等原因,许多中国企业选择了在发展中国家进行投资。本文对中国企业在发展中国家开发矿产资源过程中的风险和问题进行分析,并提出应对建议。  相似文献   
894.
Joe Arena 《政治交往》2013,30(3):345-346
Rosen, Jay. (1994). Making Things More Public: On the Political Responsibility of the Media Intellectual. Critical Studies in Mass Communication, 11(4), 363–388.  相似文献   
895.
坚定中国特色社会主义自觉自信,源于中国特色社会主义发展成型、源于辉煌成就、源于对现实的深刻把握和自我反省、源于探索实践创新,是全体中国人民的共同心声,是中国共产党代表全体中国人民在党的十八大上向世人发出的最强音!  相似文献   
896.
刑事和解在司法实践中的适用虽已初步形成思路,但在具体适用范围上尤其是在死刑案件能否适用刑事和解方面仍尚无定论,以致其在司法界的大胆尝试和学界的谨慎保留中处于尴尬境地.现阶段,死刑案件适用刑事和解纵然有其合理之处,然其终究难以避免与公权力的权威、公平正义和平等观念之间的冲突.笔者认为,死刑案件中被告人与被害人之间的和解并不符合刑事和解的本义,其实为国家救济制度建立之前的一种迫不得已的救济措施.因此,刑事和解不应延伸适用到死刑等重罪案件领域,国家应尽快建立国家救济制度以代替刑事和解在死刑案件中对被害人及其亲属的救助作用.  相似文献   
897.
郑业鹭 《中国发展》2013,13(1):14-19
2012年经济增长下行压力加大,各地方采取了积极有效应对措施,实现经济平稳发展。该文根据对皖粤黔川四省的调研,在肯定成绩的同时,也找出了一些存在的困难和问题,并从长期困扰中国社会主义市场经济发展的思维习惯、管理体制、政策法规和运作路径入手,提出转变行政管理思路、改善行政工作方法等对策建议。  相似文献   
898.
党的第四代领导集体,围绕“什么是社会主义民族问题、怎样正确处理社会主义民族问题”的主线,自觉地进行理论创新和实践落实。在理论创新方面,丰富发展了中国特色社会主义民族理论体系。在实践落实方面,围绕促进民族地区科学发展、谋求民族地区社会和谐两大任务,开创了民族工作新局面。  相似文献   
899.
Institutional responses of parliaments to international developments are widely regarded as efficient changes because they tend to be unaffected by partisan preferences and benefit all members of parliament equally. This article challenges that common notion by providing evidence that the institutional responses of national parliaments to European integration are in large part the result of international partisan emulation. Spatial regression analyses robustly show that parliamentary EU oversight institutions diffuse across member states whose majority parties have similar constitutional preferences. A parliament is more likely to emulate the EU oversight institution of another parliament if their majority parties have similar ideas about the territorial distribution of power and institutional framework for policy making. This result has important implications for our understanding of institutional change in parliament. Responses of parliaments to external developments may appear non-partisan at first sight but unfold partisan characteristics if one looks beyond the domestic level.  相似文献   
900.
The assignment of policy competencies to the European Union has reduced the divergence of party policy positions nationally, leaving the electorate with fewer policy options. Building upon insights from spatial proximity theories of party competition, the convergence argument predicts convergence particularly in policy domains with increasing EU competence. As the policy commitments that derive from EU membership increase, parties become more constrained in terms of the feasible policy alternative they can implement when in office. The analysis uses manifesto data at the country‐party system level for nine policy domains. It uses ordinary least squares (OLS) estimation with country fixed effects, a lagged dependent variable and country corrected standard errors. Controlling for other factors that could plausibly explain policy convergence, the models also assess whether the convergent effect of party positions varies across different types of parties. The main finding is that in policy domains where the involvement of the EU has increased, the distance between parties' positions tends to decrease. The constraining impact of EU policy decisions differs between Member and non‐Member States. This effect is more apparent for the policy agendas of larger, mainstream and pro‐EU parties in the Member States.  相似文献   
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