国家现代治理从制度建设到体系建构的发展

党的十九届四中全会标志着中国特色社会主义制度进入了体系建构的发展阶段。党领导推进国家治理现代化的进程体现着从制度建设到体系建构的发展,制度一项项建立起来是体系建构的先决条件,体系建构着眼于制度间的衔接和整合,是制度的整体效能得以彰显的必然要求。中国特色社会主义制度建设伴随新中国的成立而开启,伴随改革开放创新实践而开展,伴随进入新时代而完善。推进国家治理现代化的新时代实践,对中国特色社会主义制度提出了体系建构的新任务。以习近平同志为核心的党中央深刻认识制度体系建构的极端重要性,党的十九届四中全会形成新的思想认识,作出了新的战略部署。全会通过的《决定》从多个方面体现了中国特色社会主义制度体系建构的重大战略思想。     

Labour and the Culture Wars of Modern Politics

Anyone who attempts to understand and reverse the major defeat suffered by Labour in the December 2019 general election needs first to appreciate why comparisons with the defeats of the 1980s are so unhelpful. In 1983 Labour was all but wiped out across southern England, but held on comfortably across the ‘red wall’. By contrast, in 2019 Labour did well in cities and university towns across the south, and appears to have solved its historic problem with the southern, educated middle class. However, this has been at the expense of alienating working class voters across the country, not just in its former industrial heartlands. But this is not inevitable. A reanalysis of testimony from hundreds of interviews with working people across England from the 1940s onwards allows insights into attitudes and values that are often obscured by survey techniques. Crucially, it points to a broad-based vernacular liberalism at odds with the culture wars model of a terminal crisis for social democracy.     

Beyond Political Binaries: The 2019 General Election and the Dagenham and Rainham Constituency

This article considers the results of the 2019 general election with reference to the Dagenham and Rainham constituency in outer East London. It was a key target for the Conservatives with a 70 per cent leave voting electorate. It did not change hands and might therefore provide insights into the wider debate regarding future coalitions and strategy within the modern left. This article considers these results with reference to arguments about a ‘Brexit realignment’ on the left and whether Labour should rethink the nature of its political ‘base’. It argues for a more nuanced debate than that which currently exists, built around simple binaries organised around Brexit, class, age, education and geography.     

新时代工人阶级地位和作用现状及发展趋势

本文以习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想为根本指导,以习近平总书记关于工人阶级重要论述作为认识问题、分析问题和解决问题的基本立场、观点和方法,立足新时代中国工人阶级地位和作用的发展变化,对新时代工人阶级地位和作用的特点、存在的问题进行了深入研究,分析其发展趋势,并提出了相关对策建议。     

Domestic labour,masculinity and social change: insights from working-class young men’s transitions to adulthood

Abstract

Drawing on a seven-year longitudinal qualitative study in England, this paper presents evidence of how engagement with housework and childcare is regular and normalized for contemporary working-class young adult men. I explain this development with reference to inclusive masculinity theory, but supplement this by incorporating Mannheim’s concept of social generation, as recently adopted by scholars of youth sociology. The paper thus further augments other research that has documented considerable change in the construction and performance of contemporary masculinities – such as an opening up of gendered behaviours and a decrease (but not erasure) of homophobia – among young men across multiple contexts in English-speaking countries.     

Heterosexuality and Race in the Australian Same-Sex Marriage Postal Survey

ABSTRACT

This article argues that race and class are central aspects of sexual citizenship in a Australia. It does so by investigating representations of heterosexuality that were produced and circulated during the 2017 same-sex marriage postal survey. Engaging with feminist and critical race theorists, we position same-sex marriage as not exceptional but part of a wider distribution of sexual citizenship within Australia's ongoing settler colonial history. We do so by introducing a number of illustrative examples of representations of heterosexuality produced during the survey. These representations reveal how same-sex marriage perpetuated heterosexual authority by asserting claims to authenticity and the occupation of space. We observe how heterosexuality in the survey material reproduced fantasies linking these three themes, for example, in an authentic white heterosexual family who speaks from their suburban backyard. It reveals that ceding to a bifurcated view of either progressive or conservative voices forestalls rather than advances other visions which may exceed the limited imaginings of sexual citizenship offered by the white liberal settler colonial state.     

农民工过度劳动的影响因素分析

本文基于2012年和2014年中国家庭追踪调查数据(CFPS),建立了农民工过度劳动选择方程、过度劳动时间方程和持续过度劳动方程,并分析农民工过度劳动的影响因素。研究结果表明,工资水平低是导致农民工过度劳动现象严重的重要原因;受教育水平的提高有助于降低农民工过度劳动和持续过度劳动的概率;劳动合同的签订有助于降低农民工过度劳动的概率、减轻农民工过度劳动程度和降低农民工过度劳动的持续性;不同职业类型的农民工过度劳动程度存在明显差异,在农民工就业拥挤的职业中过度劳动现象更加严重。因而,政府部门在保证农民工基本收入的条件下,提升农民工群体的受教育水平和技能水平,增加其就业稳定性,消除职业隔离,将有助于缓解农民工群体的过度劳动。     

The Attitudes of the Chinese Middle Class Towards Democracy

Little has been done to quantitatively establish the connection between the middle class and a specific regime type. In an effort to fill in the gap, this study uses Asian Barometer survey dataset to examine the attitudes and orientation of China’s rising middle class. We find that the Chinese middle class does show higher democratic orientation than those we categorize as lower class, but only if class is defined by occupation or by self-identification, and not by income level. We interpret this result to mean that economic development offers new life experiences with the creation of new types of professions and enhances people’s agreement with modern democratic values by arousing people’s consciousness of their new social class status.

试论日本据台与闽粤移民之中挫——以《清国人入境台湾条例》为中心

1895年台湾沦为日本的殖民地,海峡两岸关系发生了重大变化,台湾住民被认定为所谓“日本国民”。随着《清国人入境台湾条例》的颁布实施,传统闽粤移民渡台历史进程遭致中挫。日据后迁徙台湾的闽粤民众被称做“华侨”,成为侨居者。此后,台湾社会历史进入以内生性发展为主的新阶段。