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261.
在行政诉讼的原告资格中,利害关系人的原告资格是一个较为复杂的问题,我国司法解释赋予与具体行政行为有法律上利害关系的人以原告资格,但如何理解与认定法律上的利害关系,在理论与实践中均存纷争。值《行政诉讼法》酝酿修改之际,对法律上利害关系的内涵、决定利害关系人原告资格的核心要素及利害关系人原告资格的认定等问题重新进行梳理与分析,具有实际意义。 相似文献
262.
In this paper we report on general findings and observations in Australia and from two days of the Deliberative Poll on Reconciliation in Canberra. With hundreds of representative Australians participating, and plenary sessions broadcast nationally, it appeared that Australia was progressing on its long journey toward aboriginal reconciliation. In this paper, we apply a theoretical analysis from criminology--restorative justice--to examine the means by and the extent to which the national community conference was a restorative event. Of particular interest to this analysis are the unintended restorative outcomes, the voices heard, the dialogues on apologies, regrets and the past, future possibilities, and responsibility. Some preliminary thoughts on the future of reconciliation will be offered and a few skeptical comments made. 相似文献
263.
264.
Kjersti Ericsson 《Journal of Scandinavian Studies in Criminology & Crime Prevention》2013,14(1):16-26
Child welfare may be regarded either as a tool used by the authorities to exercise social control over family life, or as a weapon supporting the cause of children, striving to emancipate them from both parental and societal neglect or oppression. Research into Norwegian child welfare in the period since the Second World War reveals an ambiguous picture: the intervention of the state into family life signals both tightening social control of all family members and emancipation of the less powerful from patriarchal rule. As the rights and needs of children are considered more important, the control of parents, especially the mother, is increased. The central position of children and their interests have been strengthened in child welfare legislation. However, it is not the child, but the child welfare officials who define what is 'in the best interest of the child'. Post-war development has not granted children autonomy. Child welfare legislation is still mainly paternalistic. In child welfare casework, there is a danger that the lived experience of the child never emerges from the shadows cast by the interaction between adults. In relation to older children who came in contact with child welfare primarily because of their own problem behaviour, the ambiguity of emancipation and control has taken a somewhat different shape. The authorities wanted to keep these children out of prison. Humanitarian considerations, however, have been coupled with hopes of more effective crime prevention. In the postwar years, misbehaving children were also embraced by the increasing importance of 'the best interest of the child' as the main objective in child welfare decisions. In order to secure both emancipation and control, 'the best interest of the child' and the state's interest in preventing crime had to be understood as one and the same. 相似文献
265.
Jean-Philippe Béja 《The Pacific Review》2013,26(3):439-453
After the Tiananmen massacre of 4 June 1989 many Chinese pro-democracy activists have been able to settle in the USA. They have attempted to federate all the opposition forces overseas in an organization which aimed at influencing the US government’s policy toward China. However, plagued by factionalism, the opposition in exile has not been able to put to an efficient use the capital of sympathy that it enjoyed at the time of Tiananmen. After the failure of political organizations, Chinese dissidents have created NGOs which are regularly consulted by the Administration and the Congress. Since the mid-eighties, they represent a substantial factor in the making of American policy towards China. 相似文献
266.
《Critical Horizons》2013,14(1):267-287
AbstractThis paper outlines Foucault's genealogical conception of critique and argues that it is not inconsistent with his appeals to concepts of right so long as these are under stood in terms of his historical and naturalistic approach to rights. This approach is explained by reference to Nietzsche's account of the origins of rights and duties and the example of Aboriginal rights is used to exemplify the historical character of rights understood as internal to power relations. Drawing upon the contemporary ‘externalist’ approach to rights, it is argued that the normative force of rights can only come from within historically available moral and political discourses. Reading Foucault's 1978-1979 lectures on liberal governmentality in this manner suggests that his call for new forms of right in order to criticise disciplinary power should be answered by reference to concepts drawn from the liberal tradition of governmental reason. 相似文献
267.
比例原则的中国宪法依据新释 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
比例原则已被全球法治实践反复证明属于人权保障的利剑,必将成为中国合宪性审查的基本标准。为了更好地推进合宪性审查,并消除对比例原则适用范围与功能的误解,有必要探寻比例原则在中国的宪法依据。通过解释我国《宪法》中“权利义务一致性”“基本权利”“人格尊严”“法治国”“征收征用”等条款的尝试,均不能很好或完全地推导出比例原则。比例原则的本质在于调整权力与权利、权利与权利之间的关系,其功能在于合理确定国家权力与公民权利的界限。比例原则内置于权利和权力之中。通过解释我国《宪法》第51条的“权利的限度”条款和第33条第3款的“国家尊重和保障人权”条款,可以得出比例原则在中国具有宪法依据,属于宪法基本原则。 相似文献
268.
Donal Nolan 《The Modern law review》2013,76(2):286-318
A number of judges and academics have argued in favour of the convergence of negligence law with human rights law. By contrast, the thesis of this article is that the two legal orders should develop independently, so that for the most part the law of negligence ought not to be affected by human rights considerations. It is argued that the case for convergence is based on two false assumptions, namely that human rights law and negligence law perform similar functions within our legal order and that the norms of human rights law are more fundamental than the norms encapsulated in negligence law. It is also argued that convergence would undermine the coherence of negligence law. Ultimately, the case for separate development rests on the desirability of recognising public law and private law as autonomous normative systems with their own distinctive rationales, concepts and core principles. 相似文献
269.
公司组织形态与证券(融资)权利——摈弃有限公司“改制上市”的法律习规 总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0
在中国目前法律实践中,有限公司如欲成为上市公司或行使公开融资的权利,需先透过"公司改制"环节,成为股份公司,再以股份公司身份申请公开发行。显然,目前公开融资的权利是根据企业组织形态来进行配置的。可是,无论是理论界还是实务界,都很少仔细去思考——企业公开融资的权利到底应当如何配置?在中国,有限公司占据公司数量的绝对多数,目前盛行的"先改制,后发行上市"的法律安排,存在诸如"引发上市包装"、"导致纠纷隐藏"、"引发PE腐败"、"不当增加企业融资成本"等弊端。"改制上市"并未有效地改观公司治理,反而无谓地增加了企业融资困扰,影响了企业的公平发展权。无论是从资金融出方还是融入方观察,公司组织形态都不是配置融资权利的核心要素,融资权利的配置应当交给投资者,主要根据是否有"合适的项目"去判断。现行的企业改制发行方案,无疑在一定程度上隐藏了企业真实状况,极易推动形成"融资骗局"。因此,应当修改《公司法》、《证券法》相关规定,摒弃改制上市的习规,让有限公司乃至合伙企业等各种企业组织形式可以直接公开发行上市,在公开发行成功之后,直接变更/转换为股份公司。根据"好项目",而非"好的公司组织形态"配置融资权利,可以节省企业融资成本,加快融资过程,公平地实现"企业的发展权"。 相似文献
270.
习近平法治思想对法治的基本价值、理念进行了本土化诠释、时代化丰富和理论性创新。其立足我国国情民意和新时代历史方位,对人民民主、宪法法律至上、公平正义、人权保障、权力监督、法律平等等法治基本价值话语作了深层思考与理论凝练,传承发展了我们党长期以来形成的法治价值理念,揭露了西方法治价值理论的缺陷和偏颇,体现了法治价值普遍性与特殊性的统一,为全面依法治国、建设法治中国提供了价值导向和遵循。深入研究习近平关于法治价值的重要论述意义重大,有利于全面深刻理解习近平法治思想的真谛,有利于提升习近平法治思想的感召力与实践力,有利于增强中国特色社会主义法治理论在国际社会的话语权。 相似文献