人权概念的正当性何在?——康德伦理学对人权概念(以生命权为例)之奠基性意义

无论是人权概念的先验式还是经验式推定,它们所依赖的"人"这一概念都是近代以来的"自然人"———不凭借信仰和神性来支持生命意义的人。正是在一个韦伯所说的"脱魅"之后的世界中,康德论证了人本身的独立和绝对价值,从而为人权概念奠定了根基。以康德的论证来看待现代社会对生命权———死刑、堕胎和安乐死———的争论,或许能够获得新的理解。     

国际强行法保护的人权

人权并不存在等级 ,所有的人权 ,包括公民权利 ,政治权利 ,经济、社会和文化权利 ,对于维护人的尊严都具有同等的重要性。在国际人权法上有一些人权属于“受国际强行法保护的人权”。但是 ,这些人权也不是更重要和更高级的人权 ,它们是维护人的尊严所需要的“最低限度的人权”。     

Good intentions are not enough: French NGO efforts at democracy building in Cameroon

NGOs have traditionally had little scope to bring about political reform in developing countries. This was certainly true of French development NGOs (NGDOs) operating in Cameroon during the early post-colonial decades. This situation changed in 2002 when French NGDOs, with support from the French state and Cameroonian civil society, initiated a multi-actor consultative programme (the PCPA), aiming to build democracy in Cameroon. This article traces the origins of the PCPA, assesses its achievements, and explains why the programme failed. It then identifies key lessons and asks whether the PCPA represents a useful model for French NGOs and donor states.     

A new Fair Trade registration scheme based on the relations of production

Fashion, accessories, and homeware fall outside the regulations of Fairtrade Labelling Organizations International (FLO), which certifies mostly food products. A handful of fashion-led Fair Trade enterprises are now providing ranges of high-quality desirable products, made by workers employed in urban enterprises as well as independent producers in cooperatives. Tabeisa, an NGO involved in Fair Trade retailing, has developed a new regulatory framework which uniquely starts by defining the relations of production between all actors in the chain. This ensures that those not previously covered by existing standards are made visible and receive fair pay and conditions.     

Challenging statutory limitations on children's education rights: a re-examination of the Canadian Supreme Court Decision in Auton

The 2004 Supreme Court of Canada decision in Auton concerns the right of autistic children to access services held by their parents to be essential to their children's ability to participate as members of a democratic society. It is argued that the child's right to have his or her basic developmental needs met is a constitutionally protected one. Having those developmental needs met engages both education and health rights. In Auton the parents had sought funding for the service at issue from the Ministry of Health, the Ministry of Children and Families (which dealt with mental health services and other particular support programs for the families of disabled children) as well as from the Ministry of Education. The case raises central questions regarding the very nature of education and the constitutionality of a discretionary power of government to set out statutory limitations upon fundamental human rights including education rights.     

梭罗的个人主义理想与个人的道德良心

19世纪美国超验主义思想家H.D.梭罗的个人主义深受美国传统渊源的影响,同时也颇具个性,主要体现在他对"个人道德良心"的呼唤.他把个人良心看作比法律更高的一种道德原则.他主张:个人利益高于机构利益.任何机构化了的组织不能将自己的意志强加于人,而应当尊重每一个人的权利,使人人有机会按自己的良心行事,实现自己的生活目标.梭罗的<论公民不服从>和<瓦尔登湖>这两部作品集中表达了他的个人主义的观点,梭罗正是从个人道德良心的角度来阐释其个人主义主张的.他的个人主义理想影响了美国民族文化的建构,并已成为整个美国文化的一个重要组成部分.     

20世纪90年代以来中国公民资格权利的发展

从公民资格权利发展角度考察我国的社会转型有利于分析、解释国家面临的挑战和宏观发展轨迹。1990年代以来,在市场经济的发展、社会的分化和利益的多元化、社会公平问题、政府转型的大背景下,我国公民资格权利取得了一定进展:与市场经济建设相关的公民权利内容进一步发展,民主政治的实践使公民政治权利的形式和内容有所充实,社会权利的保护和发展尚处于探索当中。从宏观角度看,公民资格诸权利呈现出分化发展和相互推动的特点;国家主导制度构建与公民积极行使权利构成公民资格权利发展的双动力;户籍制度对权利的分等作用弱化,平等的公民资格权利的普遍化进程加速;程序性权利的设置与保障仍然不足,呈现出探索性特征。     

海外投资的外交保护

海外利益是指境外的国家利益,属于国家利益的组成部分。WTO规则,特别是与贸易有关的投资协定更是国际法规则的一部分。外交保护是指一国针对其国民因另一国国际不法行为而受的损害,以国家的名义为该国国民采取外交行动或其他和平解决手段。对海外投资的外交保护是海外投资保护的最后的也是最有效的途径和方式,可以进一步维护和拓展中国的海外利益。     

从事实到规范:物权法民意基础的实证研究——以土地问题为中心

以社会调查数据为判断标准,物权法对土地制度发展的事实,既有呼应,也有背离、漠视、逃避和模糊。呼应主要包括:明确坚持保护私有财产;妥善规定承包经营权的流转、登记的效力、土地使用权到期后的处理等。背离表现为:继续强调集体土地所有权。漠视表现为:未规定建设用地使用权的类型和取得时效;未明确承认宅基地使用权、集体建设用地使用权的流转等。逃避表现为:未能明确统一登记的具体机构及其设置等。模糊表现为:未能清楚界定征收条件、征收中物权的变动时间、登记审查等。     

祛魅与自足:政治理论对宪法解释的影响及其限度

宪法学究其根本是为了适用宪法而对宪法文本进行解释的宪法释义学。但是,由于宪法文本的不确定性,在宪法解释中纳入政治的考量是不可避免的。对于同样的宪法条款,在不同的政治理论引导下,会得出完全不同的解释结果。考察政治理论对宪法解释的影响是一种社会科学对法学的逻辑自足的祛魅,是有价值的。但是,随意选择作为宪法解释“背景规范”的政治理论,会导致解释的恣意,损害法的安定性价值。所以,必须根植于本国的制宪历史、规范环境和宪法文本去容纳政治理论论证这种“外部论证”,消解其对宪法解释确定性的损害。