试论探究式教学法在高校政治理论课中的探索

探究式教学模式是一种以“启发引导、问题探究”为主要特征的教学模式。探究武的教学法很适合对于在教学内容和教学方法上都要求不断求新的政治理论课。本文以高校政治理论课《思想品德修养与法律基础》的教学实践为例,讨论了探究式教学法在高校政治理论课中的理性思考与实际操作。     

Explaining subnational parliamentary scrutiny powers: A fuzzy-set analysis of German Landtage

While the European Union’s Lisbon Treaty has important implications for regional parliaments with legislative competences, most studies have focused on cross-country differences or examined the activities of regional parliaments at the EU level. This contribution shows the existence of substantial intra-country differences in the formal scrutiny rights of regional parliaments. We analyse how German regional parliaments (Landtage) have addressed the challenge of controlling their governments in EU affairs. Using fuzzy-set comparative qualitative analysis, we find that institutional and partisan factors (vote share in the second chamber, economic potential, and conservative governments) explain the differences found among German Landtage particularly well. Landtage with otherwise weak parliamentary prerogatives were successful in using the reform momentum to strengthen their rights in the field of EU policy. Combined with the party political salience of EU policy-making, the integration process has thus empowered formally weaker Landtage.     

被治理者政治的建构——评帕萨·查特杰的政治社会理论

印度"底层研究"(subaltem studies)的著名学者帕萨·查特杰(Partha Chattelilee)对目前盛行的公民社会理论提出了质疑.查特杰认为规范性的公民社会理论无法解释印度的现实情况,故提出"政治社会"的概念和理论,以弥补公民社会理论的短处,维护印度底层社会成员的权益.查特杰对印度社会底层的民主参与做出了具有新意的论证,但其政治社会理论尚有不足之处.     

近十年国内“妇女参政”研究现状：一个文献分析

“妇女参政”比例近年来逐渐提高，妇女参政研究也热情高涨，考察近十年来国内关于“妇女参政”的研究进程及现状可看出，文章的发表年份、研究内容、研究方法、期刊属性、区域分布等方面都表现出许多不足，需要我们深入把握这一主题，努力促进学科发展。这对于实际生活中的政治实践行为具有非常重要的意义。     

权力政治与文化斗争——韦伯的国家观

韦伯是在现代政治的权力逻辑中审视国家,国家被界定为在特定领土范围内垄断了使用武力的正当权利的政治组织.民族国家是现代国家的主要形态.现代政治的主题即为民族国家间的权力斗争.现代国家担负着在世界上寻求权力以捍卫和张扬民族(文化)的重要使命.     

对东亚现代化进程中威权政治的思考

战后东亚国家出现的威权政治体制,是特殊历史条件下的产物,有其深厚的政治、经济基础。经济与政治基础的相对薄弱无疑是东亚选择威权主义政治而不是西方民主制的重要原因。在战后相当长的时间里,“威权 发展”模式反映了东亚国家要求改变落后面貌的愿望,取得的成就是显著的。但是它并不符合现代化发展的总体要求,从长远观点来看,它只是一种过渡形式。     

The Personal Sources of Responsiveness. Introduction to a Special Section

Responsiveness is a core value in democratic politics. Individual legislators are important mechanisms for implementing this concern in real‐world settings and thus facilitating responsive government. This introduction to the special section on this topic starts out by highlighting the special relevance of individual legislators in this regard and by sketching important theoretical considerations that emerge from the political science literature on this issue. In its main part, it summarizes the key findings of the contributions in relation to its main theme, namely the personal sources of responsiveness. We end with a short conclusion that reflects on possible tensions between responsiveness and the personalization of representative systems.     

Targeting the Motivated? Ethnicity and the Pre‐emptive Use of Government Repression

Research on government repression often focuses on the comparison between states over time and provides little insight about the targets of repression within a state. This article unpacks government repression against different ethnic groups. It argues that non‐democratic governments use pre‐emptive and targeted repression against ethnic groups that are discriminated, strong, or have a history of protest or rebellion in order to prevent future ethnic rebellions. For democratic governments, on the other hand, the cost of pre‐emptive repression is too high. The article tests this argument in a quantitative analysis of government‐group dyads. It finds at least partial support for some implications of the argument: Autocratic governments use more repression than democracies against discriminated groups, but only when they are also weak, and against groups with a history of protest. There is little evidence that regimes of either type respond to previous violent mobilization or group strength with repression.     

试论东南亚庇护主义的形成与发展——以威权体制下的资本政治为视域

庇护主义在东南亚由来已久,传统的庇护主义渗入到威权体制的资本政治形态中,资本政治形态则赋予了庇护主义以新的内涵与发展.一方面这是由威权体制本身的性质所决定的,另一方面则是基于资本政治的建设.不同威权体制下资本政治的庇护主义模式存在差异性,如泰国是一种兼具合作与掠夺的混合型模式,而菲律宾则是私利取向的掠夺型模式.威权体制与资本政治形态的变迁动摇了庇护主义的存在基础,庇护主义的发展直接影响到威权体制的民主转型.