The local party voter: A localist anti-establishment voter?

In several countries, local parties have increased their share of votes in local elections. This development has received limited scholarly attention compared to the immense interest paid to the fates of national level anti-establishment parties. Against this backdrop, we ask if something distinct characterizes those who choose to vote for genuinely local alternatives compared to other anti-establishment voters. Sweden is taken as the case in focus, a country where local parties have grown in numbers and strength throughout the past three decades. We view local parties as a part of a broader ‘anti-establishment’ family, and we explore if their voters a) are similar to those who vote for the most pronounced anti-establishment party in Sweden (Sweden Democrats), or b) if local party voters are a distinct anti-establishment category in their own right. Drawing on a survey data from 49 Swedish municipalities, we find that local party voters indeed distinguish themselves from both Sweden Democrat's voters and voters for the old and established parties, thus making them a distinct anti-establishment voter category of their own. These voters distrust their local politicians but at the same time are civically engaged.     

The Danish legislators database

Elections determine the composition of legislatures, but the study of legislative representation has long been hampered by limited individual-level data on legislators. Recent innovations have vastly increased opportunities for studying legislators, but often have limited historical coverage. We introduce the Danish Legislators Database (DLD), a database of members of Denmark’s parliament, Folketinget, for every electoral term since its inception in 1849. Relative to most existing databases, the DLD is rare in covering the entire history of a parliamentary body going back more than 170 years. The DLD thus enables analyses of parliamentary representation with full temporal coverage. We describe the development and content of the DLD and present a set of analyses illustrating the potential uses of the database in the study of representation.     

Electoral colorism: Candidate skin color and list placement in Ecuador

To what extent does candidate skin color influence party list placement in proportional representation systems? While candidate skin color is increasingly understood to play an important role in politics, the extent to which it shapes electoral opportunities and outcomes remains unclear. In this paper, we investigate whether party elites in list proportional representation systems place darker-skinned candidates in lower, less advantageous list positions than their lighter-skinned copartisans. Drawing on party lists from Ecuador’s 2021 National Assembly elections and an original measure of candidate skin color, we find evidence that candidate skin color is a significant determinant of list placement. This finding indicates that party lists reinforce color-based inequalities in political representation and reveals that a candidate’s skin color shapes their chances of winning elected office.     

网络传播对青年民警思想政治工作影响的新思考

网络正在以巨大的信息容量和快速同步的传幅方式对社会、经济、政治、文化等诸多领域造成影响。网络具有散布性、全球性、开放性、即时性、综合性等特点,也给新时期青年民警思政工作带来难得的机遇和严峻的挑战。利用网络的特性,以“网络政工”为触手,发挥技术优势,采用灵活多样的手段,可以提高青年民警政治思想工作的科技含量。遵从网络发展客观规律,从科技化、信息化和建立现代队伍管理制度的高度出发,以建设精干、高效政工队伍为理念,可以造就出符合时代特点的新型政工网络。     

Understanding Political Knowledge and its Influence on Voting Preferences in the 2007 Federal Election

In this article we propose a model to explain how voters’ perceptions of their ideological proximity to a party affect their propensity to vote for that party. We argue that political knowledge plays a crucial moderating role in the relationship between party proximity and voting propensity. It is necessary, however, to distinguish between institutional knowledge (information about the political system) and party knowledge (information about the parties’ left–right positions). An analysis of survey data from the 2007 Swiss federal elections supports our main hypothesis that party knowledge enhances the link between party proximity and voting propensity. Institutional knowledge may have additional influence, but clear evidence for this effect was obtained only for propensities to vote for the Swiss People's Party (SVP). Overall, the impact of political knowledge was found to be substantial, even after controlling for the outstanding influence of party identification and other predictors of voting propensities.     

新型政党制度所蕴含的中国智慧

中国共产党领导的多党合作和政治协商制度是从中国土壤中生长出来的新型政党制度,充分汲取了中国传统民本智慧、和合智慧、包容智慧,展现出了无与伦比的内在优越性,实现了群众根本利益与群体特殊利益的有机统一、实现了政党关系的非对称性和谐、实现了通过政党协商进行科学民主决策、实现了集中力量办大事,从而克服了垄断型一党制和竞争型两党制、多党制的固有弊端。作为和谐型多党制的新型政党制度充分展现了中国智慧,为世界政党制度发展与进步提供了新方向和新选择。     

政治特性、效率误区与发展空间--非政府组织的现实主义理性审视

非政府组织的乐观主义者在强调该类组织对政府失灵和市场失灵的有益补充时,也或多或少地陷入了两个误区即忽视了其组织具有的政治性特性,并对其组织效率给予了过高的期望.试图从现实主义的视角,来阐述非政府组织作为一种相对独立并拥有一定社会基础的民间组织所具有的政治功能和作用,以及在组织效率方面可能存在的缺失.并认为,非政府组织对双重失灵的补充性,以及其政治特性和效率缺失,共同构成了其组织与政府之间存在的复杂关系,这种复杂关系在相当程度上决定了非政府组织发展空间的限度.     

浅谈大学英语教学中学生的兴趣培养

大学英语课堂的真正活跃需要英语教师从培养学生兴趣入手,不断学习、探索、实践各种教学方法和技巧,提高自身综合素质,使英语教学成为富有情趣的活动。