孙子“择人而任劳”辨正

人们历来把《孙子兵法·势篇》最后一段“不责于人,故能择人,而任势”中的“人”释为“力战”或“兵众”、“指挥员”,把“择”释为“选择”,这是错误的。本文通过训释字义及考察孙子关于“众寡之用”的关系、兵员多寡优劣与力量强弱的关系,提出了“择人而任势”是指撇除兵员数量多寡这个因素去使用“势”的新观点。     

全面二孩政策背景下婴幼儿照料对女性工资收入的影响研究

照料孩子往往使职业女性遭受"生育工资惩罚",全面二孩政策是否会加重这种"惩罚"?研究基于广东省的问卷数据,得出如下结论:在孩子0—3岁时母亲的照料时间付出会对其工资产生负向影响;相比于一孩母亲,照料孩子的时间付出对二孩母亲工资的负向影响更强;对婴幼儿照料的支持有助于提高母亲的工资;综合考量规模优势、幼儿早教、健康卫生等因素,托幼机构照料是几种照料方式中最优的。为降低母亲照料孩子的代价并提高全面二孩政策的实施效果,研究建议:政府应大力发展低龄幼儿托育机构,建立托育服务基本保障体系,并出台政策支持不同社会主体提供多层次的托育服务,以满足家庭不断增长的托育需求。     

An alternative reading of religion and authoritarianism: the new logic between religion and state in the AKP’s New Turkey

ABSTRACT

Since roughly 2011, the Turkish state and the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) have been going through a process of mutual transformation. Some of the historical apprehensions, biases and frustrations exhibited by Turkey as a middle power have been absorbed by the relatively reformist AKP. Conversely, the AKP and its undisputed leader Erdo?an have seen their socio-political fears, power based conflicts and ethno-religious desires become dominant in all areas, including religion. As a consequence of this bilateral transformation, Turkey has become both an inclusionary and a hegemonic-authoritarian state, and at the same time a weak one. Within this new identity and structure of the state, Sunni Islam has become one of the regime’s key focal points, with a new logic. This article seeks to explain the transformation of the relations between the AKP’s Turkish state, religion and religious groups, by scrutinising Karrie Koesel’s logic of state-religion interaction in authoritarian regimes.     

The intersectionality of gender,sexuality, and religion: novelties and continuities in Turkey during the AKP era

ABSTRACT

This article argues that in the AKP era, gender and sexuality play a central role in reshaping the secular-religious divide to instil ‘yeni milli’ (new national) – or as AKP members call it, ‘yerli ve milli’ (homegrown and national)- values. Adopting a feminist and reflexive approach, this article seeks to demonstrate that Erdo?an and the AKP have used gender and sexuality-related issue areas not as diversions to highjack the public agenda, as it is often assumed, but as a medium to regulate the neoliberal redistribution of conservative values. After a brief presentation of the historical background of the gendered evolution of the secular-religious divide in Turkish politics, this article focuses on the following three particular cases: the policies and discourse on LGBTI rights; the link that was established between the reproductive rights of women and ethnic identity; and how the AKP created new types of ‘other men’ and ‘other women.’ The article also seeks to show that in each case the meanings attributed to the secular and the religious in the secular-religious divide have shifted accordingly and that shift was reflective of, and was used to instil the particular set of values supportive of particular political positions.     

Over the centuries: a history of Wollstonecraft reception

ABSTRACT

Both Wollstonecraft’s fame and infamy are attributable to her lived experience as the woman author of the only radical republican feminist text published in the pamphlet war of the 1790s. Yet, her radical republican politics were divorced from her gender politics in the early reception. This paper argues that this separation was subsequently sustained in part by interpretive practices that rest on the suppression of the original split. It shows that over the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, both outside and within academia, the dominant interpretive tendency of neglecting Wollstonecraft’s radical republican politics has deradicalized both her historical political thought and her iconic image. This conventional reception has both enabled and limited the resources made available through Wollstonecraft to feminists throughout history.     

三方协商机制的建立任重道远

劳动关系三方协商机制在我国尚处在初创阶段,如何提高其作用实效是当前实践中引人关注的焦点。围绕这一问题本文从五个方面进行了探讨,从中得出的基本结论是:三方协商机制从培育至臻于完善需要历经一个艰辛的探索进程。     

国际知识产权保护和我国面临的挑战

在全球化中知识产权保护不断强化、中央提出建设创新型国家的大背景下,我国的知识产权保护面临着挑战和机遇。基于对世界上主要国家、地区知识产权制度与相关国际条约及其对我国的影响之考察,对各国及国际的知识产权保护中值得借鉴之处的分析,我们应当做的是:一方面利用知识产权制度业已形成的高端保护推动国民在高新技术与文化产品领域搞创造与创作这个“流”,另一方面积极促成新的知识产权制度来保护我们目前可能处优势的传统知识及生物多样化这个“源”。这样,才更有利于加快我国向“知识经济”与和谐社会发展的进程。     

论善意取得制度的适用范围--兼评《中华人民共和国物权法(草案)》相关规定

善意取得制度的适用范围同时关系到所有权的保护与交易安全的实现,对善意取得制度予以正当化的过程就是界定其适用范围的过程;善意取得制度系动产占有公信力的表现,而不动产物权变动以登记为公示方式,采登记公信力制度,故无善意取得制度适用之余地;观念交付因其自身的局限并不当然构成善意取得制度所要求之“交付”,法律应限制观念交付时善意取得制度的适用;物权行为独立性与善意取得制度相辅相成,分别给予受让人以债权保护和物权保护,而物权行为无因性之功能可为善意取得制度所替代,无存在的价值;善意取得制度可类推适用于其他动产物权或其他民事权利的取得,但须满足占有作为权利外观之基本前提。     

道德与法:市场经济发展的必要保障

在社会主义市场经济的发展过程中,道德与法是必不可少的保障,二者缺一不可。现实中道德与法都有所缺失,急需要加强建设。加强道德与法的建设要采取多种相应的措施。     

隋唐汉族风俗演进的趋向

隋唐时期生产力的空前发展、对外交流的频繁、文化的昌盛以及社会风气的开放 ,致使当时汉族地区的民间风俗呈现明显的时代特征。胡汉风俗的融合给了汉族风俗重构和更新的机遇 ;大一统的皇权促使风俗向着更为规范、一致的方向演进 ,一些风俗上升为礼仪并逐渐固定了下来 ;富足的物产提供了时人充分享受生活的条件 ,享乐、挥霍的风气愈演愈烈。