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141.
西方历史观念的发展及其现代性危机,最终导致对与错、善与恶之间价值标准的消解.列奥·施特劳斯主张回归柏拉图的苏格拉底哲学,重估西方哲学史,并将其改写成回复自然权利的政治哲学史.在他的"魔眼"里,哲学的重要性和自然的不平等,成了消解现代性危机和批判马克思的唯物史观和共产主义理论的"利器",由此凸显其与马克思主义的高度紧张和对立.  相似文献   
142.
改革开放以来,关于政治体制改革的研究成果很多,但鲜有从党代会报告的角度进行研究的。而作为改革两大主体工程之一,十二大以来,政治体制改革成为历届党代会报告的重要内容,报告成为中国政治体制改革的指挥棒和指南针。本文拟从党代会报告的角度对中国政治体制改革进行分析和探讨,着重谈了党政关系改革、选举制度改革、行政体制改革、依法治国和社会主义政治文明几个方面。  相似文献   
143.
美国公共利益集团政治评析   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
谭融 《外交评论》2002,(2):36-42
美国的公共利益集团政治表现为新的行动主义的政治参与模式。它的发展是美国多元主义政治理想的体现 ,是后工业社会中后物质主义意识的产物 ,是政府职能扩大的结果。美国公共利益集团政治在发展过程中出现了自由派与保守派间的激烈冲突 ,使公共利益集团政治的发展仍面临重重阻力。  相似文献   
144.
What are the conditions for empowering `gender mainstreaming' as a new policy frame beyond the supranational level in member states and regions of the European Union? This paper is premised on the following assumptions: that mainstreaming will reduce gender disparities in Europe only if it takes root at all levels of decision-making, but that some national gender regimes can be expected to resist mainstreaming more than others, especially because it does not command `hard' legal tools. The puzzle to be examined is how mainstreaming can become effective across the European multilevel polity. It is argued that vis-à-visthe resistance of domestic gender regimes, the Europeanisation of equal treatment norms in national, regional and local contexts over the past decades has generated a variety of mechanisms for the cross-border diffusion of new policy ideas that can help to promote mainstreaming. Drawing on comparative Europeanisation research, this argument is developed in three steps. First, the past performance of member states in the implementation of E.U. gender directives is explored, to identify patterns and dynamics and classify leaders and laggards. Second, current mainstreaming experiences in one of the most conspicuous laggard states – Germany – are examined closely. Finally, as a means of explaining the rather intense engagement of German federal and regional governments with mainstreaming, two factors are highlighted: elite learning, and new governance instruments developed by the E.U. Notwithstanding the steps taken to promote mainstreaming, the prospects for further institutionalization within the E.U. appear contingent on the outcome of the Convention on the Future of the Union and the Intergovernmental Conference planned for 2004, since the invigorating of the subsidiarity principle and the division of competences across the multilevel polity are key issues of debate. This revised version was published online in July 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date.  相似文献   
145.
《Diplomacy & Statecraft》2002,13(2):229-242
Often referred to as simply 'Satow', the Guide to Diplomatic Practice stands as a lasting monument to Satow's 'second career' as a scholar of international law and diplomacy. However, there was more to this phase in Satow's life than the Guide's two stout volumes. This article argues that in reconstructing the origins and genesis of this work, Satow's own conception of diplomacy as an historically evolved tool of international politics can be examined much more comprehensively than is possible on the basis on the current fifth edition of the Guide. Moreover, this examination will also offer further insights into the evolution of diplomatic studies as an academic discipline in the early twentieth century.  相似文献   
146.
This article argues that political learning with regard to civil-military relations in Chile has proved an obstacle to democratization. In the postauthoritarian period, both the armed forces and political parties have referred to history when considering civil-military reform, especially with regard to how to avoid a repeat of the conflict of the Unidad Popular period. Meanwhile, the military also utilizes the Spanish example when resisting changes it feels are inimical to its interests. The 'lessons' each takes from the past directly influence political strategies and the overall result is that while civilian rule continues, democratic civil-military relations are not necessarily advanced.  相似文献   
147.
This study analyses the extent, sense, and strategies employed by sympathisers with Spanish state-wide left-wing parties to ‘reconstruct’ their affective ties with the Spanish nation after the ‘monopolisation of patriotism’ by Franco's regime. Such an undertaking is further complicated within the context of economic crisis and intensified peripheral nationalism found in Catalonia and the Basque Country. This article applies qualitative analysis to the discourse of left-wing participants from 11 focus groups held in March 2012 amidst the economic (and political) crisis. As expected, this context of crisis favoured the emergence of explicit discourse on the Spanish nation, providing an opportunity to gain a better understanding of its nature. Findings show that welfare nationalism and social patriotism define the kind of attachment developed by the interviewees towards Spain better than the concept of constitutional patriotism, or any kind of ethnic-cultural feeling of belonging.  相似文献   
148.
149.
Human security has increasingly shifted attention to the individual, while the state has become guarantor (or violator) of security given its role in governing the domestic environment. This article examines how variations in regime forms influence security, pointing to the importance of political security in the wider human security framework. To illustrate, the article examines the nature of political security in Central America, a region with weakly democratized states and histories of political violence. The findings suggest a link between democracy and human security that is mediated by state capacity and the ability to control non-state violence against individuals.  相似文献   
150.
当代中国的民主本质上是一种协商性民主.在当代中国,作为协调不同利益关系的政治协商,正是一种符合民主执政要求的形式.作为符合有中国特色社会主义民主政治要求的一种选择,政治协商对于坚持和完善民主执政具有重要意义.  相似文献   
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