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181.
群众路线是共产党的根本工作路线和组织路线的统一,是被经验证明正确的党的认识路线。中国共产党与人民群众的互动过程即群众路线的实践过程,这一过程主要包括政治动员和政治整合两个层面。政治动员是群众路线实践的政治基础,政治整合是群众路实践的政治目标,有效的政治动员和政治整合过程共同推动群众路线的丰富和实践。为推动群众路线实践的丰富发展,关键在于群众路线中的政治动员和政治整合在党的执政水平、群众的政治参与、机制实践的路径拓宽和道德规范及意识形态的构建这些方面应得到进一步完善和发展。  相似文献   
182.
ABSTRACT

Institutions undertake a huge variety of constitutive purposes. One of the roles of legitimacy is to protect and promote an institution’s pursuit of its purpose; state legitimacy is generally understood as the right to rule, for example. When considering legitimacy beyond the state, we have to take account of how differences in purposes change legitimacy. I focus in particular on how differences in purpose matter for the stringency of the standards that an institution must meet in order to be legitimate. An important characteristic of an institution’s purpose is its deontic status, i.e. whether it is morally impermissible, merely permissible, or mandatory. Although this matters, it does so in some non-obvious ways; the mere fact of a morally impermissible purpose is not necessarily delegitimating, for example. I also consider the problem of conflicting, multiple, and contested institutional purposes, and the different theoretical roles for institutional purpose. Understanding how differences in purpose matter for an institution’s legitimacy is one part of the broader project of theorizing institutional legitimacy in the many contexts beyond the traditional context of the state.  相似文献   
183.
Abstract

One key marker of mass social movements transitioning to participatory democratic governance is popular media access. This essay argues that democratic media access by public constituencies becomes a site for constructing social revolution and simultaneously a manifest empirical measure of the extent of democratic participation in the production, distribution, and use of communication with new cultural possibilities. The participatory production practices (with citizens producing and hosting their own programs) and the democratic content (of oral histories, local issues, critiques of government and business, and everyday vernacular) reflect the hegemony of emerging ‘Bolivarian’ twenty-first century socialism expressed as popular participation in media production. Bolstered by constitutional changes and public funding, popular social movements of civil society, indigenous, women, and working class organizations have gained revolutionary ground by securing in practice the right of media production. Findings indicate that public and community media (that move beyond alternative sites of local expression and concerns) provide a startling revolutionary contrast to the commercial media operations in every nation. Popular media constructions suggest a new radically democratic cultural hegemony based on human solidarity with collective, participatory decision-making and cooperation offering real possibilities and experiences for increased equality and social justice.  相似文献   
184.
ABSTRACT

Brand hate is defined as a severe dislike for a product or service by the consumer. Although brand hate has been recognized as a critical element, in the political market, there is a lack of understanding of the impact of brand hate on voters. This study is an attempt to examine the antecedents and consequences of brand hate in the political market. The study reveals that unmet expectations, symbolic incongruity, and ideological incompatibility of electorates have a significant positive impact on brand hate intensity. The result shows that political product involvement significantly mediates the relationship between unmet expectations, symbolic incongruity, and ideological incompatibility and brand hate intensity. The study further reveals that as an outcome of political brand hate, electorates put emphasis on either brand avoidance and/or brand extremism. The outcome of this study may help political parties gain knowledge about the impact of political brand hate.  相似文献   
185.
ABSTRACT

The paper deals with the issue of overpricing of public procurement in low-performing EU countries. It examines a uniquely large sample of public procurement in 11 Central and Eastern European countries. Hierarchical regression is used to analyze the factors that influence public contract. Our results indicate that institutional factors have a greater impact on overpricing than individual decisions by the contracting authority. Our analysis for low-performing EU countries provides interesting results and also draws attention to behavior that is not typical of the better established and more advanced EU countries. Our results are particularly important for public policy in each country, as they show the direction of regulatory action in the field of public procurement. The results introduce a debate on the appropriateness of “one size fits all” regulations within the EU.  相似文献   
186.
ABSTRACT

The Critical Terrorism Studies (CTS) community has produced an important volume of work assessing and critiquing epistemological understandings of the War on (of) Terror. Largely missing from this body of work, however, is the experience of those who are directly impacted by the policies of this global phenomenon. By rethinking the War on Terror as an experience of war, I posit a wider understanding, by reassessing its temporal and spatial boundaries, but more significantly, the ways in which it is experienced. By providing a wider understanding of war and expanding our knowledge of its boundaries, I am able to show that those impacted by the policies of the War on Terror can claim to have been subject to an experience of war, even when that experience takes place outside of the war zone. This reflection, however, serves a larger purpose, which is to act as a call to the CTS community to centre the lived experiences of those impacted by the War on Terror in their work and decision-making when engaging with policy and policymakers. This represents a call for an ethical re-centring of CTS scholars to the violence of the War “of” Terror, by reminding us of the many ways in which harm can occur.  相似文献   
187.
基于政治制度和意识形态的冲突、地缘政治的竞争和战略的不信任,以美国为首的西方国家对华实施"西化""分化"的战略图谋一刻也没有松懈。近年来,中国的快速发展迫使美国调整了对华实施"分化"战略的策略;同时,由于中国正处于社会转型、改革深化的关键时期,社会矛盾的增多、社会冲突的加剧为美西方的"分化"活动提供了诸多契机和借口。面对美国等西方国家的"分化"活动出现的新形式与新特点,为了维护国家的政治安全,中国不仅要在策略方面进行应对,还需要在战略层面提出适应国家整体发展的"顶层设计",更为重要的是在"软实力"上构建一套让全世界都信服且能与西方相抗衡的价值体系。  相似文献   
188.
Making cross-groups comparisons by using survey instruments has raised substantial scholarly concerns due to the potential risk of incomparability resulting from differential item functioning (DIF). However, not every survey item necessarily suffers from DIF. In this paper, we argue that, unlike many other survey items (e.g., political efficacy), the usual question used to measure political interest is likely to be largely immune to DIF. Our theoretical argument centers on the relative specificity of the item and a corresponding cultural homogeneity (at least in advanced democracies) in what it means to be politically interested or not. Utilizing the anchoring vignettes technique (King et al., 2004; King and Wand, 2007) in our original surveys in the UK, France, and the Netherlands, we demonstrate the size of DIF is small for the standard political interest question.  相似文献   
189.
除史地、宗教、民俗、中外交通等领域外,《大唐西域记》在文学领域的价值也很珍贵。研究《大唐西域记》的文学价值,首先应确定其文学归属。目前,对《大唐西域记》的基本认识主要有游记、行记、传记、报告文学、新闻文学、回忆录等。以上归类认识,各有其归类理由和一定程度的合理性,但均有缺憾:或者因视角单一而无法兼顾《大唐西域记》的其他特质,或者归类间互有重叠而身份难辨,或者会因传统认知对《大唐西域记》的文学价值造成遮蔽。打开视野和思路,跳出文体认识的局限,从《大唐西域记》深湛的宗教性内涵和多样的文学表现这两方面的有机结合出发,将其归入宗教文学(佛教文学)这一大的范畴,是一个较为合适的选择。这样处理,在突显《大唐西域记》自身价值的同时,可为数量众多的同类作品找到一个共同的归属,也为中国文学、东方文学和比较文学拓展出新的研究空间,为促进中外文学和文化交流提供一个典型的范例。同时,《大唐西域记》人文意蕴较为丰富,如伦理观念、生态意识、警示意义、求真精神、理想主义、开放心胸等,将它归入宗教文学,并非是要回归传统的宗教性解读,而应着重发掘、整理和研究其宗教性内涵中有益于当下、有益人的资源,实现其现代意义和价值。  相似文献   
190.
中国新型政党制度是保持国家政治统一、实现权力有效监督制约和实践协商民主政治的重要制度载体.中国新型政党制度的优势主要体现在通过聚合性的政党制度结构,保持了超大规模国家的政治统一;通过非竞争支持型的政党监督模式,初步实现了政党之间的权力监督;通过多党合作和政治协商,实现了包容互惠发展导向的协商民主治理.新时代坚持和完善中国新型政党制度,需要通过制度改进和完善,进一步发挥中国新型政党制度的优势,促进国家治理现代化的实现.  相似文献   
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