"三贴近"与大学生思想政治教育

文章通过对“三贴近”内涵的深入分析,提出贴近实际是思想政治教育的根本,贴近生活是思想政治教育的源泉,贴近学生是思想政治教育的出发点和落脚点。在开展大学生思想政治教育的具体实践过程中,应该从以理服人、以情动人、以文化人、以志立人、以行树人五个方面予以实施。     

协商民主视野下的政协改革研究

协商民主作为20世纪后期兴起的理论,引起了我国学者的广泛兴趣。在我国民主政治的理论探讨与实践发展中,协商民主理论的发展,为我国政协制度建设另辟了一条蹊径。基于协商民主的理论视野,如何推进人民政协的自身建设以适应当代民主政治的发展要求,已提上日程。     

敦煌学视野下的黑水城文献研究

黑水城文献与敦煌文书的相关性主要体现在:二者书写材料、形成年代、出土地点、发现时间等方面最为接近,是学缘最近的两个学科;二者发现的国际文化背景相同,文献最初流散的命运归宿相似.同时,二者也存在一定的区别:其研究对象分属不同的领域,各自构成相对独立的专门学问;二者作为代表性的版本形式和装帧形式明显不同,具有不同的时代特色.敦煌学的学术成就和学科建设对黑城学的发展具有重要的示范作用,其研究方法的成熟经验对提高黑城学的整体水平具有借鉴意义.     

Sowing the seeds of skepticism? Electoral-integrity beliefs among political elites

Elections in many democracies have come under attack “from within”, with political elites challenging the integrity of the electoral process and calling its outcomes into question. Such allegations may delegitimize democratic outcomes and compromise citizens' confidence in elections. Yet aside from their rhetoric, little is known about political elites' electoral-integrity beliefs. This study breaks new ground by investigating how political elites perceive the integrity of elections, and which factors may account for differences in their electoral-integrity beliefs. Using innovative data from the 2021 candidate survey of the German Longitudinal Election Study (GLES), the empirical analysis shows that political candidates exhibit mostly positive views about the integrity of the electoral procedures and the 2021 election, while being more skeptical about the fairness of the campaign period. Moreover, the findings show that negative campaign experiences, an affiliation with a populist political party, and electoral defeat are important drivers of candidates' skepticism about the integrity of elections. These findings provide novel insights on the nature, background, and diagnostic significance of political elites’ electoral-integrity beliefs in modern democracies.     

Do Citizens Tolerate Antidemocratic Statements?

Antidemocratic statements by politicians have become part of politics in several backsliding democracies. Yet, we know little about how ordinary citizens think antidemocratic statements should be dealt with. We employ conjoint experiments fielded in the United States, Germany, and Hungary to investigate the extent to which citizens think undemocratic and other controversial statements should be restricted. Specifically, we randomly assign antidemocratic statements – threatening electoral integrity directly or indirectly – along with other controversial statements to hypothetical politicians running for elections. We show that citizens wish to ban antidemocratic statements relative to generic placebo statements. Moreover, this willingness corresponds to their willingness to ban other forms of controversial statements that either represent offenses to different identity markers or induce material risks. We also find that the willingness to ban antidemocratic statements is evident across the three countries and regardless of gender, education, age, and partisanship, with only modest differences in the results between countries and subgroups. Our findings thus indicate that citizens generally care about democracy, which is good news for democracy and electoral integrity, but also that they do not care more about democracy than other fundamental values related to material costs or identity markers.     

Politically Alienated Through Low‐Wage Work? Evidence from Panel Data

Does low‐wage work lead to political alienation? Even though low‐wage sectors have grown in the advanced industrialized world, empirical evidence so far is sparse. This paper uses household panel data to investigate the effect of low‐wage work spells on political alienation. We argue that repeated low‐wage work spells lead to preference divergence between a low‐income and the median‐income earner, leading to withdrawal from democratic politics among low‐wage earners. Using Swiss household panel data and fixed‐effects regressions, we show that the accumulation of low‐wage work spells decreases systemic trust. In a second step, we demonstrate that an interaction of eroding systemic trust with low‐wage work is associated with increased individual abstention probabilities. These results highlight the threat of a systematic under‐representation of low‐wage workers in the political sphere.     

中国与欧洲公众环境参与权的比较研究

公众参与权的保障与实现程度直接关系着民主决策的科学性和有效性,关系着全面建设社会主义现代化国家的进程。针对环境问题而言,如何从法律理论与实践两个层面更有效地回应公众的“参与权”,值得深入研究。相较而言,欧洲的相关法律制度走在世界前列,从纵向发展的视角来看,中国和欧洲在保障公众环境参与权的进程以及所面临的挑战方面有着相似之处,欧洲经验对我国有着极其重要的借鉴作用。中国和欧洲公众环境参与权有着不同的理论基础、历史发展进程、参与范围、参与层次、参与阶段以及支持者。基于这些相似性和不同点,立足于中国的具体国情和实际,欧洲公众环境参与权保障法律机制能为我国解决类似挑战提供一些可能路径。     

中美实用艺术品著作权保护比较研究——兼论我国实用艺术品著作权保护的路径

实用艺术品的著作权保护问题实质上是如何确立著作权保护范围及标准的问题。我国现行《著作权法》并未将实用艺术品作为受保护客体,但也并未将其排除在著作权保护范围之外。而美国在实用艺术品的著作权保护上于立法层面是非常清晰的,在《1976年版权法》中已明确将其列为受保护客体,美国法院的诸多判例也影响了实用艺术品著作权保护研究的方向。本文梳理了中美两国实用艺术品的著作权保护问题的历史沿革及现状,总结归纳了两国具有代表性的判例,以求通过对比提炼出两国著作权法及司法实践中存在的问题。美国的相关立法及其司法裁判经验对于我国实用艺术品的著作权保护具备重要借鉴价值。     

Does poor health cause political passivity even in a Scandinavian welfare state? Investigating the impact of self-rated health using Swedish panel data

Poor health is generally believed to cause political passivity. Prior studies that satisfactorily acknowledge the causality problems involved are mainly limited to considering turnout and the U.S.A., so we lack knowledge of how non-electoral participation is affected in other countries. This article considers Sweden, characterized by a generous welfare state and an extensive public health system. Using unique panel data, which allow more thorough analyses of causality, poor health was found to have a negative effect on voting but not on non-electoral participation. By primarily focusing on other countries than Sweden and the U.S.A., it is a task for future longitudinal research to show whether the belief that poor health lead to political passivity is incorrect—or whether Sweden is an exceptional case, due to the barriers to participation being particularly low there.