‘Hotspot policing’: a comparative analysis of sanctioned acts of policing versus media representations of policing in a stigmatized community in Trinidad

The ‘Partial State of Emergency’ implemented in Trinidad and Tobago in August 2011, as well as media broadcasts on the crime situation, has brought to the forefront the high degree of interface between police officers and civilians within the identified ‘hotspot communities’. The assumed realities of these individuals were communicated in such a manner which led to the stereotyping of citizens as marginalized victims and police officers as ‘disrespectful bullies’. The media broadcasts reflected the act of policing as unitary, as opposed to encompassing a wide range of roles for interaction with civilians. These broadcasts revealed a high degree of violent physical displays by police officers, which were perceived as irrational, and in some instances inhumane. Despite community policing initiatives, there seem to be continued instances of problematic relations between police officers and civilians from ‘hotspot communities’. The research examined the sanctioned responses of police officer governing interaction with civilians from one of these communities. It highlighted the extent to which these endorsed reactions are contextually portrayed in media footage. The study described the determinants governing police use of force as evidenced in the media with the aim of providing a direction for redress during interaction.     

科学发展观与人的全面发展

科学发展观作为一种新的发展模式,突出了以人为本的价值取向,但是,当前人的全面发展何以可能？它与科学发展观有什么关系？实现人的全面发展在贯彻落实科学发展观的历史条件下的现实目标是什么？促进人的全面发展作为马克思主义终极目标,实现人的全面发展,是当前社会主义现代化建设中重大的理论和实践课题。     

四川藏区警务人才状况调查报告

四川藏区自然环境恶劣、警务社会资源稀缺、警务重心相对独特,警务人才建设面临着警力不足、个人能力与警务时空要求不匹配、警务人才队伍稳定性差、警务专才稀缺、警务人才待遇低等问题。应当在回应和吻合藏区警务时空背景前提下,改革藏区警务人才培养模式、调整藏区人民警察招录政策,提升警务人才的核心能力,建立拴心留人机制,以切实推进藏区警务人才建设。     

Stop,Question, and Assess: Comments on Rosenfeld and Fornango

We develop three points in this commentary on Rosenfeld and Fornango’s empirical assessment of the NYPD policy of stop, question, and frisk (SQF). First, we draw attention to some of the key patterns uncovered in the analysis, posing questions that we think warrant additional thought. Second, we highlight some potential ambiguities between the underlying logic model of SQF and the empirical models assumed in existing research evaluations that have important implications for the conclusions that one might draw from the available evidence. Finally, we suggest some ways in which the empirical basis for evaluating the efficacy of SQF might be strengthened.     

Explaining the cultural and symbolic resonance of zero tolerance in contemporary criminal justice

Zero tolerance has been described as a "popular slogan for politicians talking tough." It is also a slogan with international advocates. In addition to the US, politicians from Australia, New Zealand, the UK, and South Africa have praised this aggressive policing strategy. While this is a testament to the ease with which ideas diffuse between nations in the contemporary world, it does not explain why this particular idea is so popular. Nor does it explain why zero tolerance animated so many in the mid- to late-1990s. In order to answer these questions adequately, it is important to place zero tolerance in a wider social, political, and economic context. As this article argues, zero tolerance resonates in contemporary culture because it symbolizes a variety of tensions and anxieties found in late modern society. These anxieties are revealed through the often volatile and contradictory politics of law and order; through the routine scrutiny of marginal populations in society; and through the high degree of public tolerance for both of these developments. Recent research suggests that the rise of free market neoliberalism and social conservatism in western industrialized democracies provides an important backdrop against which these anxieties emerge. Imbued with meaning and populist appeal, it is the idea of zero tolerance, along with its cultural and symbolic resonance in contemporary criminal justice, which requires explanation.     

The Commissioner cometh: The challenge for democratic policing in England and Wales

Public policing in England and Wales is currently undergoing and will undergo substantial changes to the way it delivers its services in the future. Consideration of the different proposals for change when viewed in isolation appears to produce uncertainty in terms of organisational structure. However, when considered as interdependent they provide a more clear and problematic issue that could undermine the current democratic model of policing utilised in this country. This article considers the ideas of the function of the public police within a democratic policing model and how changes such as the introduction of Police and Crime Commissioners, an apparent lack of engagement by the public with the democratic process, as well as the possibility of privatisation and outsourcing currently in vogue, may have a detrimental effect upon the policing philosophy that has underpinned policing in England and Wales for nearly 200 years.     

SPLM–NCP asymmetrical power relations jeopardise the implementation of the CPA and the future of the Sudan

ABSTRACT

The political instability that has characterised Sudanese politics since independence is attributable to political exclusion, economic neglect and marginalisation. Discrimination based on religion, language and culture has constituted the main contradictions between the masses of the Sudanese people (periphery) and the politically dominant Arabised Nubians (centre) in all the different politico-ideological hues experienced by the nation. Attempts to resolve this contradiction have left the structural imbalances inherited from the colonial administration of the Sudan intact. This explains the resurgence of war, particularly in Southern Sudan. The recent peace agreements between the National Congress Party (NCP), namely the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) with the Sudan People's Liberation Movement/Army (SPLM/A); the Darfur Peace Agreement with the Sudanese Liberation Movement (SLM) (Minawi); the Cairo Agreement with the National Democratic Alliance and the Eastern Sudan Peace Agreement with the Eastern Sudan Front, have left the NCP still in firm control of the oppressive state machinery. The CPA power-sharing protocol awarded the NCP a majority which institutionalises a power asymmetry that the NCP utilises to obstruct implementation of the CPA and delay the process of democratic transformation.

This article analyses the asymmetry in the NCP–SPLM partnership and power relationship. It assumes that the tragic death of Dr. John Garang de Mabior is a major cause of the political weakness demonstrated by the SPLM since 2005. This power imbalance jeopardises the CPA implementation and the future of the Sudan as a state.     

警力优势规律在警务实战中的运用

警力不足和装备落后一直是困扰公安工作的一大难题,导致警察在处理各种警务活动时,造成不必要的损失和人员伤亡,使公安工作处于被动局面。应充分发挥"精警制胜"的原则,做到聚优散劣。     

Policing protest,security and freedom: the 2014 G20 experience

This article examines the policing of a major international political event (the G20 Meetings in Brisbane, Australia in 2014) from the perspective of the police and representatives of demonstrator groups who participated in the event. The article locates the policing of the 2014 G20 meetings within the history of the policing of major international political meetings in other countries. It analyses the legal framework within which the policing of the Brisbane G20 meeting was undertaken, comparing and contrasting these with legal frameworks developed for similar meetings and associated demonstrations in other jurisdictions. In the case of the Australian G20 Act, the legislation prioritized security over human rights, including the freedoms of expression and peaceful assembly. The strategies and planning processes applied by police in the lead up to the G20 are discussed, including the efforts made to ensure policing responses were respectful of the democratic rights of protesters. Drawing on interview and other data, the article reveals a diversity of perspectives on the ‘human rights’ policing and dialogue models, and provides an assessment of ‘Operation Southern Cross’ based on the post-event review of the G20 legislation undertaken by the Queensland Crime and Corruption Commission. The authors conclude that the policing of G20, based on extensive dialogue and minimization of coercive public order strategies, fostered a peaceful G20 event. The article concludes with observations about the perceived success of G20 policing in Australia, and indicates some lessons learned for best practice policing for future global events.     

我国社区矫正制度存在的问题分析

社区矫正制度的设立是我国行刑制度的一种新的尝试,它适应了刑罚执行方式由监禁刑罚向非监禁刑罚的转变。然而,社区矫正制度在运行过程中存在一定的问题,需采取对策予以解决,充分发挥其应有的作用。