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91.
关于新时期大学生情感问题的探析 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
林王荣 《中国劳动关系学院学报》2006,20(3):123
大学生是一群正在成长的青年,亲情、友情、爱情是大学生生活中重要的感情支柱,极需慎重对待。重视大学生良好情感的培养,不仅有助于大学生学业的进步,还会影响他们未来的人生。 相似文献
92.
论大学生思想政治教育网络创建 总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0
随着人类进入信息社会,网络以其独特的方式影响着社会各个领域.大学生作为一种特殊的群体,网络给他们的思想带来了诸多影响,文中就如何借助网络做好大学生思想政治教育工作进行了探讨. 相似文献
93.
中韩建交以来两国文化教育交流综述 总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3
中韩文化教育交流是中韩全面合作伙伴关系的重要组成部分。中韩建交15年来,两国的文化教育交流取得了丰硕的成果。两国政府签署了一系列的交流协议,中国出现了"韩流"现象,韩国也掀起了强劲的"汉风",中国的韩国问题研究和韩国语教育发展迅速,韩国的汉学研究和中文教育持续升温,来华韩国留学生和赴韩中国留学生的人数稳居所在国外国留学生之首。两国文化教育交流的快速发展得益于政府的支持、经贸合作的稳步增长以及两国文化的渊源关系。 相似文献
94.
为调查公安院校大学生自我效能感与职业认同现状并探讨其相关性,通过整群抽样法选取某公安院校3280名大学生,采用一般自我效能感量表和警察职业认同量表进行调查,结果显示:该公安院校大学生的一般自我效能感总分为(26.49±5.72)分,职业认同总分为(11.55±1.64)分;单因素分析显示,自我效能感总分、职业认同总分在... 相似文献
95.
The U.S. electric power sector has experienced a substantial shift of the generation mix since the turn of the century, moving from heavy reliance on coal‐powered generation to one drawing more from natural gas and, more recently, renewables. This transition has been forged by a mix of macroeconomic factors (recession and recovery); technological breakthroughs (horizontal drilling coupled with hydraulic fracturing; improvements in natural gas plant efficiency); clean energy policies at federal, state, and local levels of government; and private sector demands for carbon‐free energy sources. These factors have combined to reduce carbon emissions from electric power generation substantially this century. In this article we examine the extent of this transition, its causes, as well as the distinct American institutional factors steering it, including energy and environmental federalism, electoral politics, and the political economy of clean energy policy enactment and resistance. 相似文献
96.
王一平 《浙江省政法管理干部学院学报》2020,34(1):43-51
20世纪80年代后,学界的“记忆”研究逐渐兴起。法国当代史学名家皮耶?诺哈主编的多卷本《记忆之场》引领了这一潮流,将之聚焦于富有象征意味的“记忆之场”上。诺哈区分了“记忆”与“历史”,指出了“记忆”的“场所”具有的物质性、功能性与象征性,并以庞大的篇幅建构了法国国族自我认知的社会史。其中,孔帕尼翁的《普鲁斯特之<追忆似水年华>》将普鲁斯特及其作品视为一种“记忆之场”,探讨了“泛普鲁斯特学”、成为“法国伟大作家”的普鲁斯特及其成功的社会基础,将“普鲁斯特”这类“建构之象征物”纳入到“法国之所以成为法国”的研究中,表明其保证了一种集体性的、文化与身份认同的再生产;该文也代表了作品研究的另一种进入方式。 相似文献
97.
Children of immigrants who do translations and who interpret for others using their heritage language and English are known
as language brokers. Although prior research suggests that children of immigrants’ perceptions of the language brokering experience
vary greatly—from feeling a sense of efficacy to feeling a sense of burden—what remains unanswered in the literature is identification
of the antecedents and processes that help to explain the varying psychological experience of language brokers. Using data
from a two-wave prospective longitudinal study of 256 Chinese American adolescents, the present study tested potential mechanisms
that may be responsible for adolescents’ perceptions of the language brokering experience as a sense or burden or sense of
efficacy. The results demonstrate that adolescents’ Chinese orientation sets in motion a family process that is linked to
variations in the perceptions of adolescents’ language brokering experience. Adolescents who are more Chinese oriented have
a stronger sense of familial obligation, and these adolescents are more likely to perceive that they matter to their parents.
Adolescents’ perceived sense of mattering to parents, in turn, is associated positively with a sense efficacy, and negatively
with a sense of burden as language brokers. Those adolescents who are less Chinese oriented have a weaker sense of familial
obligation, and these adolescents are more likely to feel a sense of alienation from their parents. Adolescents’ sense of
perceived alienation from parents, in turn, is associated with a sense of burden as language brokers. Implications for developing
interventions for children who act as language brokers for their parents are discussed.
相似文献
Su Yeong Kim (Corresponding author)Email: Email: |
98.
Bekim Baliqi 《Nationalities Papers》2018,46(3):471-483
This paper examines the relationship between political power and war remembrance by considering the way war remembrance occurs in a divided society. The purpose of this paper is to explore memory of the violent past and its uses as an ongoing arena of disputes between former adversaries and within ethnopolitical groups pushing their distinct versions of memory. Moreover, this paper examines three key aspects of the politics of remembrance: prevalent narratives, arenas of commemoration, and agencies of war remembrance, based on the case study of Kosovo. The postwar narrative and commemoration in Kosovo have evolved along ethnic lines, perpetuating antagonism and conflicting identities. Memorialization in Kosovo raises serious challenges for comprehensive transitional justice and reconciliation between these ethnic groups. The paper concludes that through appropriate civic education, critical inquiry of commemoration practices, and especially through evidence-based adaptation of the history curriculum, there is a chance to promote a culture of shared memory and to establish inclusive politics of remembrance in Kosovo, as crucial components of reconciliation and peace-building. 相似文献
99.
Alexei Shevchenko 《Communist and Post》2018,51(1):63-72
The article attempts to make sense of recent developments in Hungary's relationship with the EU and the US by explicating the logic behind the formation of its post-Cold War identity. The article's central theoretical argument derives from social identity theory (SIT) in social psychology which argues that social groups strive for positive distinctiveness and provides concrete hypotheses concerning the identity management strategies that groups use to enhance their relative position. Extrapolating the identity management techniques predicted by SIT to international politics, I suggest that states may enhance their relative standing by imitating more advanced states (strategy of social mobility), trying to displace the higher-ranked state (strategy of social competition), or finding a new arena in which to be superior (strategy of social creativity). The article argues that Orban's government post-2010 steps in domestic and foreign policy can be conceptualized as attempts to redefine Hungary's identity by moving away from the strategy of social mobility pursued since the end of communism towards the strategy of social creativity. 相似文献
100.
Kjetil Selvik 《Democratization》2018,25(7):1114-1131
The article analyses Ali Khamenei’s discourse on insiders and outsiders in the Islamic Republic of Iran, arguing that it shows the leader of an electoral revolutionary regime striving to counter elite fragmentation and growing democratic demands. It studies identity demarcation as a tool of autocratic legitimation. In a political system where the possibility to access political positions depends on supporting a belief-system, all cadres share a basic identity, which rulers can exploit to draw boundaries between “us” and “them”. The analysis reveals how Iran’s leader capitalizes on the existence of an insider-outsider divide to promote ideas about an imagined “we” of the regime. The “we” is portrayed as an Islamic we, fully committed to his rule. The article maintains that Khamenei developed this discourse in response to the challenge of the Iranian reform movement. It analyses, first, the context in which the discourse emerged and, second, the discursive strategy itself, to substantiate the claim. It concludes that the discourse had two essential aims in the containment (1997–2003) and crushing (2009–2010) of the pro-democracy reformist and Green movements: to de-legitimate Khamenei’s opponents through othering and to legitimate the counter-mobilization of repressive agents. 相似文献