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31.
Nanna Kann-Rasmussen 《Journal of Arts Management, Law & Society》2013,43(5):307-323
AbstractThe article studies the role of partnerships in Danish cultural organizations. The organizations face a legitimacy crisis. As a response they display openness to society. The article uses the theoretical framework of Orders of Worth and studies the role of the projective city in legitimation work. Openness and differentiated connections are necessary to maintain legitimacy for cultural organizations. The organizations frame their tasks as meetings and facilitation of connections, and they carry out many activities in collaboration with partners. If an organization has too few connections with others, the organization appears isolated and unattractive. 相似文献
32.
Hans Christian Johansen 《The History of the Family》2013,18(1):23-31
Census taking in its modern form started in Denmark in 1769, and the next two censuses were taken in 1787 and 1801. Problems that arose during the implementation and tabulation of the first census demonstrate the difficulties in establishing an efficient administration of population statistics from scratch. By trial and error during the course of the first three censuses, the administration learned how to carry out and tabulate a census so that by 1801 census taking had reached a form that could be used for the rest of the 19th century with only minor changes and additions. 相似文献
33.
Thomas Bredgaard 《国际公共行政管理杂志》2013,36(12):764-774
Governance theory and research start from the assumption that in modern decision-making systems no formal control system can dictate the terms of the relationship between the plurality of interdependent actors and organizations (Chhotray &; Stoker, 2010). In this article, we present the story of a government fixated on reasserting control in the age of governance. The government would not accept compliance gaps in policy implementation and deliberately redesigned the governance structure to achieve greater compliance and central control. The case is implementation of employment policies in Denmark. After reviewing the available evidence, we find that central decision makers have been successful in narrowing the former compliance gaps between policy objectives and local implementation. Although compliant implementation is not the same as effective or successful problem solving, the case shows that determined governments can succeed in reinforcing central democratic control over complex implementation processes. 相似文献
34.
Ulrik Kjaer 《Local Government Studies》2013,39(2):253-272
In this article, local political leadership is modelled as circulation of political capital. Based on intensive case studies of the political leadership performance of four mayors in Denmark, this article asks why the concept of political capital, introduced to local government studies in 1961 by Banfield, has in many ways sunk into oblivion. This article resuscitates the concept of political capital, using it to generate a general theory of local political leadership. In this framework, the crucial component of effective leadership is the mayor's ability, within a given institutional framework, to circulate (earn and spend) political capital. Effective leadership occurs when the leader continuously invests his or her political capital in ways which yield the greatest return. Clarence N. Stone's distinction between ‘power over’ and ‘power to’ is central to the model. Mayors performing what James H. Svara has labelled ‘facilitative leadership’ can in some cases accumulate substantial amounts of political capital. 相似文献
35.
David W. M. Sorensen 《Journal of Scandinavian Studies in Criminology & Crime Prevention》2013,14(1):97-112
Despite their widespread implementation, there is a surprising absence of clear‐cut, unambiguous evidence concerning the effectiveness of situational crime prevention approaches (e.g. alarms, neighborhood watch, property‐marking) on residential burglary. This absence of evidence—which should not be confused with a presence of contradictory evidence—stems most notably from the fact that very few of the programs enacted to date have been evaluated under controlled, experimental conditions. The current article describes problems with previous evaluations and advocates the use of a place‐based, randomized experimental design—which this author argues should be easier to implement in Scandinavia than elsewhere. 相似文献
36.
Lars Bo Langsted 《Journal of Scandinavian Studies in Criminology & Crime Prevention》2013,14(2):133-141
With the background knowledge that Denmark is one of the least corrupt nations in the world, this article explores the case of a mayor who for eight years worked ‘miracles’ for ‘his’ municipality but was later revealed to have built this community on circumvention of control mechanisms and laws. For this (and for his overwhelming consumption of expensive wines at the taxpayers’ expense) he was later sentenced to four years of imprisonment. He was not driven by personal economic gain, but more likely by a mixture between creating a municipality of his dreams and the almost absolute power that he ended up with just before the scandal hit the headlines. The case was revealed by two journalists from a yellow newspaper, but very soon police and other authorities as well as his fellow politicians followed up on the revelations, and his former political friends turned their back on him. It is not the story of a mayor who was bribed – but of a mayor who turned out to be ‘corrupt’ in a wider sense of the word. 相似文献
37.
丹麦经济高度发达,社会福利体系完善,贫富差距极小,国民享有极高的生活水平。近年来,丹麦十分重视高等法律人才的培养,强调尊重学生自我发展的意愿,在教学理念、教学方法、教学内容、课程设置、学生培养等方面有其鲜明的特色。 相似文献
38.
DAVID NICOLAS HOPMANN 《European Journal of Political Research》2012,51(2):265-287
Political disagreement in interpersonal communication increases attitudinal ambivalence and can depress voter turnout. These effects seem to be driven by a wish to avoid social controversy rather than informational gains from encountering other opinions. This article shows that political disagreement in interpersonal communication increases the difficulty of deciding for which party to vote. Moreover, this effect is a result of social disapproval of one's party preference, while political expertise in interpersonal communication has no effect. For voter turnout, no direct effect of social disapproval of one's party preference is found. However, disapproval has an indirect influence on turnout via difficulty of vote choice. In sum, both political attitudes and political behaviour are affected by social pressures. Students of political attitudes and behaviour should try to include interpersonal discussion in their models in greater detail than is common practice today. 相似文献
39.
This work is part of a larger investigation aiming at tracing differences between injuries caused by heat and electricity. Electrodes and heaters similar to the electrodes of an electric cattle baton are used to dissipate approximately 40 joules in 40 seconds in pig skin.Voltages in the range 40–60 volts (AC or DC) are applied via stainless steel electrodes and temperatures in the range 50–100 °C are applied via heaters made of copper wire. Heat transfer is controlled by electronically regulated heaters utilizing the temperature dependence of the heater wire itself as a thermometer.Transfer of electricity takes place from either commerical DC supply, from transformed voltage from the mains or from a sine voltage generator connected to a power amplifier. The energy transfer is in all cases measured by electronic integration of the dissipated power in time. The power supplied to the electrodes or the heaters is found by electronic multiplication of the applied voltage and current.Typical power vs. time curves are presented. 相似文献
40.
Peter Munk Christiansen Birgitta Niklasson Patrik Öhberg 《West European politics》2016,39(6):1230-1250
The use of politically appointed ministerial advisors has increased noticeably in many Western countries, but we know little about how this development has affected the civil servants recruited on merit. The article asks whether political appointees accentuate or blur the line between politics and administration. Do political appointees take over political-tactical advice and leave policy advice to the permanent civil service, or do they cause permanent civil servants to be even more influenced by political considerations? And do political appointees make it easier or more difficult for the permanent civil service to be politically responsive? A Most Similar Systems Design comparison of Denmark and Sweden allows an assessment of the effects of political appointees. It is found that a large number of political appointees decreases functional politicisation of the permanent civil service; that functional politicisation tends to crowd out tasks related to more classic policy advice; and that functional politicisation increases political responsiveness. 相似文献