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31.
India, Brazil and South Africa constitute an important subset of Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa (BRICS) and emerging powers at large in a shifting global order. The article examines the capacity of these democratic BRICS to serve as a role model to the rest of the developing world, at a time when liberal democracy seems to be experiencing serious challenges and dislocations in the Global North. The article considers the important achievements of democratic BRICS, in terms of their individual performances as well as through active cooperation strategies through organisations such as the India, Brazil and South Africa (IBSA) Dialogue Forum. Attention is drawn to the inherent structural dilemmas confronted by democratic BRICS to serve as genuine role models, given their domestic weaknesses as well as inherent constraints on their collective action strategies. Our central argument is that these countries, individually and collectively, are likely to have a crucial bearing on the future of liberal democracy on a global scale. 相似文献
32.
Nearly two hours after the September 11 terrorist attacks, a hate crime was committed against the Islamic Cultural Center in Eugene, Oregon. Rather than following the conventional criminal justice process, the director of the center and his wife chose to engage in a process of restorative dialogue with other community members and the offender himself. This case study of moving from hatred to healing occurred in the larger context of restorative justice, a movement that is now developing in many hundreds of communities in more than 17 countries. Social workers committed to community practice have played an active role in this reform movement, which has developed over the past two decades. 相似文献
33.
Natalie C. Girke 《European Security》2013,22(4):509-524
The mediation efforts of the European Union (EU) Delegation in Yemen started with the uprising in 2011 which led to the conclusion of the National Dialogue Conference in 2014. This article examines the EU's understanding of mediation vis-à-vis its practice. The case of Yemen lends itself to trace EU mediation capabilities from the implementation of the “Concept on Strengthening Mediation and Dialogue Capacities” to a more systematic approach because the Mediation Support Team (MST) of the European External Action Service took office in 2011. Building on an analytical framework of mediation as a tool of EU foreign policy, this article demonstrates how EU mediation presents itself along a political and a technical dimension. The collaboration of the MST and the EU Delegation personnel in Yemen fostered an increase in mediation awareness. However, it could not develop its full potential as the UN Special Advisor sidelined the EU and other members of the Group of Ten Ambassadors through his proactive approach. Despite those difficulties of standing up to established actors in the field, this study argues that EU mediation is about balancing its political and technical dimension. For now, the political seems to outweigh the craft of mediation in the case of Yemen. 相似文献
34.
Cemaliye Beysoylu 《Southeast European and Black Sea Studies》2018,18(2):203-218
ABSTRACTThis article examines the conditions that influence the implementation process of the Brussels Agreements. The implementation process is analyzed along three dimensions: (1) the role of EU involvement, including conditionality pressure, (2) the capacity of the domestic actors to fulfil their commitments and (3) the content and clarity of the agreed provisions to guide the implementation process. Specifically, we analyze the interaction of each of these factors and how they play out and gain importance in explaining the intricacies of implementation at different points in time. The empirical analysis suggests that implementation, or the lack of it, arises from the dissonance between the hybrid negotiation strategy of the EU and the adversaries’ doubts with regard to the goals and benefits of negotiation. The negotiation tactic is expected to institutionalize cooperation between local actors and solve the conflict at large, but de facto, it is steering further resistance and allowing relevant local actors’ creativity to block the process. 相似文献
35.
2011年10月17~18日,中国—东盟智库战略对话论坛·2011在中国广西南宁举行,本文综述与会中国和东盟专家发言的观点。 相似文献
36.
2013年8月31至9月1日,第六届中国—东盟智库战略对话论坛在中国广西首府南宁市举行,本文对出席会议的专家发言内容进行综述。 相似文献
37.
Kimberley Brownlee 《Criminal Law and Philosophy》2007,1(2):179-192
A parallel may be drawn between the communicative aspect of civil disobedience and the communicative aspect of lawful punishment
by the state. In punishing an offender, the state seeks to communicate both its condemnation of the crime committed and its
desire for repentance and reformation on the part of the offender. Similarly, in civilly disobeying the law, a disobedient
seeks to convey both her condemnation of a certain law or policy and her desire for recognition that a lasting change in policy
is required. When disobedients and authorities target each other, their confrontation allows for a direct comparison of the
respective justifiability of their conduct. Their confrontation is explored in this paper with an eye to analysing how civil
disobedients and authorities should engage with each other.
相似文献
Kimberley BrownleeEmail: |