中国—日本—东盟三角关系结构变化与东亚一体化前景

中国、日本和东盟是决定东亚一体化发展前景的三种主要力量;它们之间关系的发展变化,在一定程度上决定和制约着未来东亚一体化的模式选择.本文试图运用国际政治理论中传统的战略三角关系分析方法,探讨中国-日本-东盟三角关系的四种可能结构,从而展望在不同的结构下东亚一体化可能出现的四种模式.     

中缅关系的转折:1954年——以外交部解密档案为视角

1954年,中缅两国总理互访,不仅确立了两国关系的指导原则--和平共处五项原则,而且双方围绕共同关心的问题进行了充分的沟通,增进了了解,减少了疑虑.1954年的双边往来开启了两国高层直接接触、交流的大门,打破了建交初期双边关系冷淡的局面,两国关系取得突破性的发展.此后,中缅关系迅速发展,迎来了"胞波"友好时期.这种状况主要是由于1954年中国结束"打扫干净屋子再请客"的外交方针,在周边推行睦邻友好外交,而中国政策的这一转变也得到了缅甸的积极回应.     

当前国际战略形势分析

从大国战略态势、大国关系新变化、国际安全环境、中国对外战略等四个方面综合分析2006—2007年的国际战略形势。其中,作为“唯一超级大国”的美国,因霸权扩张过度,身陷中东尤其是伊拉克困境,其国际战略处境趋于被动。其他大国抓紧调整各自对外战略、加快自我发展。大国关系与国际安全环境均有新变化、更趋复杂。中国对外战略更为系统,中国外交整体推进、成效卓著。     

The Hobbesian Case for Multilateralism

In this paper an analysis of Hobbes' argument in favor of the Leviathan is combined with a reassessment in a new security environment. The analysis shows that Hobbes' premises are complex and lead to conclusions that differ from the realist as well as from the world‐state position, both attributed to Hobbesian logic in IR theory. A strict application of the Hobbesian argument in today's security context leads to a rationale of multilateral institution‐building among states. In the first part of the paper the internationalist analogy in the concept of war of all against all is uncovered and analyzed in relation to the security dilemma, domestic analogy, and methodological individualism. The second part reassesses the Hobbesian security rationale in a security environment which is assumed to be shaped by transnational terrorism and nuclear WMD.     

构建企业与员工的心理契约 促进劳动关系和谐稳定发展

心理契约虽然不是有形的契约,但它能发挥出有形契约发挥不了的作用,心理契约能使企业了解并满足员工的期望,也能使员工了解企业的发展方向和具体要求,并主动为之奋斗,从而促进企业与员工共同发展。     

关于阶层文化与农民问题的思考

阶层文化是特定社会对于阶层的文化解释,是一定社会关系、生活方式中的阶层发展的文化氛围。合理的阶层文化,是一种反思现代性的视角。中国农民问题,或者说三农问题,背后有一个阶层关系问题,有一个与理性的市场经济、法治社会相联系的阶层文化的塑造问题。解决农民问题在中国直接涉及到我们能否建立一个整体型的社会结构,避免阶层关系的负向循环。     

Neville Chamberlain and Strategic Relations with the US During his Chancellorship

The standard appreciation of Neville Chamberlain's attitude towards the United States and its relationship to Britain's strategic position in the interwar most often begins its analysis with his becoming Prime Minister in 1937. Those works make it appear as if the man never considered what the strategic worth of the United States was until that moment. This article argues that to do so misses the vital influences and the legacy of Chamberlain's important formative years as Chancellor of the Exchequer. It was in that role, and in particular during the confrontational era of negotiations concerning war debts in the period between 1932 and 1934, that his perceptions of the worth of the United States were influenced greatly. This article hopes to redirect future studies of Chamberlain's strategic thinking toward the idea of looking at the formulation of that strategic thinking in a more comprehensive fashion.     

毛泽东对农村干群关系问题的探索

毛泽东从正确处理人民内部矛盾的角度出发 ,最早提出了干群矛盾的观点。他重视人民信访工作 ;正确对待农民 ;辩证地对待闹事的群众及犯错误的干群 ;尝试通过整风、群众运动等形式来反对农村基层干部的官僚主义作风。尽管存在不足 ,但毛泽东对农村干群关系的探索为我们今天解决农村干群矛盾提供了借鉴和参考     

政府与社区组织:从纵向控制到横向互动——基于交易费用视角的考察

在讨论社区组织与政府的关系问题上 ,已有文献大多从社会关系的角度来讨论 ,忽视组织成本的影响。实际上 ,组织之间的联系存在着明显的交易费用问题。交易费用是影响组织分工的一个重要变量。论文从交易费用的角度探讨了社区组织与政府组织在科层组织系统内部实行分工协作的可能性和实现性 ,提出了社区组织与政府之间的分工协作关系以及由此所形成的委托代理关系。提出了社区组织与政府之间的委托代理基本模式     

International Relations in the Eighteenth Century: Britain and Poland Compared

An analysis of the ways in which different composite monarchies conducted international relations in the eighteenth century reveals the interplay of structure and contingency in shaping change and the discussion of change. Hanover-Britain is compared with Saxony-Poland. Considering Britain as an example of a polity created and shaped by a dynastic personal union redresses teleological tendencies in the treatment of international relations and offers an important perspective.