The Hobbesian Case for Multilateralism

In this paper an analysis of Hobbes' argument in favor of the Leviathan is combined with a reassessment in a new security environment. The analysis shows that Hobbes' premises are complex and lead to conclusions that differ from the realist as well as from the world‐state position, both attributed to Hobbesian logic in IR theory. A strict application of the Hobbesian argument in today's security context leads to a rationale of multilateral institution‐building among states. In the first part of the paper the internationalist analogy in the concept of war of all against all is uncovered and analyzed in relation to the security dilemma, domestic analogy, and methodological individualism. The second part reassesses the Hobbesian security rationale in a security environment which is assumed to be shaped by transnational terrorism and nuclear WMD.     

Gramsci, Machiavelli and International Relations

The paper begins by expressing some doubts about how Gramsci has been appropriated by the so-called 'Italian School' of International Relations/International Political Economy (IR/IPE). Particularly questionable is the attempt to 'internationalise' his concepts of 'civil society' and 'hegemony', whose respective meanings are sometimes extended beyond Gramscian usage. Also dubious is the tendency to assume that his conceptual framework supports a counter-discourse within IR/IPE that contradicts the 'realist' mainstream. In his political ideas, Gramsci was as much a child of Machiavelli as of Marx, and he praised the Florentine for developing a progressive or 'transformative' realism in opposition to the conventional type of realism that seeks only to 'manage' the status quo. This interpretation of Gramsci as a kind of realist is defended by highlighting three 'Machiavellian' aspects of his thought: (a) his contempt for abstract ideals of justice or democracy, (b) his hostility to 'vague and purely ideological' (his words) internationalism; and (c) his surprising (for a supposed Marxist) doubts about the prospects for a non-coercive and egalitarian society. In conclusion, it is pointed out that Gramsci helps us to illustrate a tension at the heart of Marxism: that between utopianism and realism. Because of his admiration for Machiavelli, he eventually betrayed second thoughts about Marx's vision of a world without borders or conflict. His idea of transformative realism, rather than his concept of hegemony, should perhaps be seen as his chief contribution to IR/IPE.     

中美之间的认识差异--美国视角分析

影响中美关系的因素很多,中美之间既有原则性差异又有一般性差异。从国家层面看,美国认为美国有权以人权、民主或自由的名义指责或改变别国的内政;从国家间关系看,美国认为中美之间缺乏战略合作基础;从国际层面看,美国认为中国主张的多极化实际上是反美与争霸。中美之间的差异包括价值观的差异、对外战略指导原则的差异以及历史观的差异,美国对中国认识的误解和偏执主要原因在于美国的霸权主义心态、冷战思维以及功利主义。随着中美双方有识之士的共同努力,美国对中国的正面认识将会加强。     

Entrenched Postseparation Parenting Disputes: The Role of Interparental Hatred?

There is an emerging view that the term “high conflict” oversimplifies the nature of destructive family dynamics, especially with respect to the small but resource‐intensive group of separated parents who remain deeply enmeshed in legal battles and parental acrimony. In this Article we propose that interparental hatred may be a key relationship dynamic driving the behavior of some in this group. We suggest a distinction between two types of interparental hatred: one that arises from responses to separation‐related stresses (reactive hatred) and the other (entrenched hatred) that is indicative of more embedded, dysfunctional interpersonal dynamics and/or personality structures. While reactive hatred is typically time limited and amenable to professional intervention, entrenched hatred tends to overwhelm rationally informed attempts to mediate, negotiate, or even adhere to orders regarding suitable parenting arrangements. We contend that while effective intervention in these cases requires all the generic skills and responses necessary for dealing with highly conflicted disputes, it is also important to name and appropriately challenge interparental hatred when it is detected.     

诚信--警民关系之根本

很多国家的发展历程都证明,维系警民关系的关键是诚信。只有双方以诚相待,才能构建和谐的互动关系。取信于民也是我国社区警务建设的首要目标。     

开展治安打防控体系建设应正确处理好的几个关系

如何构建严密的治安打防控体系,改变治安工作打不胜打、防不胜防的被动局面,是目前各地公安机关都在着力研究和攻关的问题。为了避免在打防控体系建设中顾此失彼,影响打防控体系的构建和实际成效,各地公安机关在研究和构建治安打防控体系时,应正确处理好十个方面的关系。     

缅甸独立后外交政策的演变与中缅关系的发展

缅甸独立后,其政治发展经历了多次政权更迭,致使其外交政策发生了几次较为重大的变化。受此影响,中缅关系也出现了一些起伏,但总体上看,奉行积极友善的对华政策一直是历届缅甸政府所遵循的原则。     

中老关系框架下的云南——老挝经济合作

从1989年云南与老挝的边境贸易恢复以来,在中老友好合作关系的框架下,云南与老挝的经济合作快速发展,取得了较大的成绩。云南省与老挝的经贸合作不断发展,合作层次不断深化,与此同时,云南与老挝在合作机制的刨新和发展方面取得了明显的成效,形成了“云南——老北合作”这样有效的合作机制。     

维特与华俄道胜银行

19世纪末20世纪初,时任俄国财政部长的谢尔盖.尤里耶维奇.维特及其控制下的华俄道胜银行在一系列侵华活动中充当了重要角色。在维特的策划下,俄法联合成立了华俄道胜银行。华俄道胜银行的发展、兴盛,实际上也是在以维特为首的俄国财政部的控制之下。维特对华俄道胜银行的控制及利用,反映了沙皇俄国对中国进行的经济掠夺和侵略。