Diaspora Mobilizations in the Egyptian (Post)Revolutionary Process: Comparing Transnational Political Participation in Paris and Vienna

ABSTRACT

This article sheds light on the patterns of diaspora mobilization in different settings by placing it in the transnational realm. The article does so by comparing Egyptian activism during the revolution and transformation period (2011–2013) in two European capitals, Paris and Vienna. I argue that different features—emigrant policies of the sending country, integration policies of the receiving country, and characteristics of the migrant group—influence the degree and form of diaspora mobilization.     

The Political Economy of Competitiveness and Continuous Adjustment in EU Meta-Governance

This article asserts that attempts to resolve the crisis through recent changes in European meta-governance are just the latest phase in a project to secure “continual adjustment” in European societies to the systemic demands of competitiveness. The structural pressures experienced at the scale of European societies are located in the process and scale of world market integration. This New Materialist scalar-relational approach sees adjustment to the systemic demands of competitiveness as likely to continue into the future and suggests that the scope for alternative more Keynesian programs of reform through EU meta-governance is highly constrained.     

中东变局与世界主要大国中东战略的调整——兼论中国的中东外交

中东地区历来是大国战略博弈的重点区域。自阿拉伯国家陷入群体性动荡以来,美国、欧洲、俄罗斯等大国或地区力量围绕中东变局纷纷进行政策与战略调整。美国中东战略调整的根本目标是既要避免类似伊拉克战争的深度卷入,又要保持对中东事务的主导权。欧盟尤其是法、英两国对中东变局的积极干预使欧洲对中东事务的影响明显增强,欧盟正力图确立统一的中东战略,但其内部分歧不容忽视。俄罗斯中东战略的核心特征是原则性与灵活性相结合的实用主义外交,并极力维护其地缘战略利益和能源利益。中国应进一步增强对中东战略地位的认识,冷静客观地认识中东变局对中国国际环境变化的影响,并在坚持原则的同时适度扩大对中东事务的参与。     

合作、牵制与法律程序--新东欧六国紧急权力制度

如果以谁有权宣布紧急状态作为分类标准 ,那么 ,波兰、罗马尼亚和斯洛伐克三国的紧急权力制度属于总统模式 ;而斯洛文尼亚、保加利亚和匈牙利三国的紧急权力制度属于议会模式 ;实施议会模式的国家的宪法也规定了议会闭会时紧急权力的宣布情形。与“事实时空”模式和“独任”模式的紧急权力制度的经典理论相反 ,东欧六国的紧急权力制度属于“制度时空”模式和“合议”模式 ,强调法律程序、合作、牵制和妥协。新东欧六国的紧急权力制度的经验可以为我国紧急权力法制化的目标模式提供借鉴意义     

共产党执政规律史鉴

认真总结东欧各国共产党的经验教训,对我党更好地掌握共产党的执政规律,在改革开放的新形势下,按照“三个代表”重要思想的要求,加强中国共产党的建设,把党建设好,巩固执政地位有极为重要的意义。     

亚欧关系的历史跨越--从日内瓦会议到亚欧会议

日内瓦会议是两极格局下两大阵营抗衡对峙过程中召开的和平协商会议,是大国较量的另一"战场";亚欧会议是冷战后和平与发展背景下形成的东西方对话合作论坛,并逐步形成一种相对稳定机制.从日内瓦会议到亚欧会议的历史昭示是,和平协商与平等对话反映了当代国际关系发展的潮流和趋势.今年10月河内第五届亚欧会议,为亚欧会议更具有活力、更富有成效作出了贡献.     

In the Eye of the Storm: The Italian Economy and the Eurozone Crisis

Abstract

The eurozone crisis had a more significant and longer-lasting impact on Italy than on virtually any other member state, with the effects still visible a decade after. The extent of the shock was surprising in view of progress Italy had apparently made in the 1990s in terms of enhancing its capacity to meet the demands of European Monetary Union. The explanation for this traumatic economic experience lies in Italy’s deep, long-term, structural tensions which were placed under severe pressure during the 1990s and which were cracked open by the 2011 sovereign debt crisis. These have had long-standing economic effects as well as political ramifications in terms of a significant change in the Italy–EU relationship.     

Winning Against the Trend: Labour’s Victory in the 2017 Maltese Parliamentary Election

The re-election of the Labour Party with an increased majority in the 2017 Maltese national election bucks the trends of incumbent punishment experienced in most South European countries during the ‘Great Recession’ and of the decline of social democratic parties in Europe in the past 50 years. This Maltese ‘exceptionalism’ is explained by the Labour Party’s centrist shift, the country’s pure two-party system, and the economic prosperity which encouraged voters to opt for continuity. These factors allowed the governing party to win, despite corruption allegations deriving from the Panama Papers. Although a third party entered parliament for the first time since 1966, the fundamentals of the party and electoral systems have not changed and this development may not be long-lived.     

Blind spots in the party system: Spatial voting and issue salience if voters face scarce choices

Drawing on spatial models of political competition, this research investigates whether decision weights vary across groups of voters defined by their policy positioning in a two-dimensional space. Our analyses of electoral survey data from England, France, Germany, the Netherlands and Switzerland reveal that the economic and cultural dimensions of electoral competition are salient for the vote choice of most groups of voters. However, those voters who hold economically right and culturally libertarian preferences weigh their preferences on the economic dimension more and discount parties’ position on cultural issues when no party represents their configuration of preferences. Consequently, left parties are less able to attain votes of economically right but culturally libertarian voters for cultural policy reasons, when electoral choices are scarce, while right parties are successful in attaining votes based on both dimensions. As a result, significant representation gaps can occur.     

世纪之交的美、欧、日关系新走向

在新的世纪来临之际 ,新的国际秩序正逐步形成。世界各国正加紧其战略调整 ,大国间的关系将在更高的层次和更广的范围里展开 ,尤其引人注目的是美、欧、日之间的关系在调整变化过程中出现的新特点 :既相竞争 ,更多的相互协调。