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661.
Tony Jaques 《Journal of Public Affairs (14723891)》2004,4(2):191-200
Many issue management models proceed from issue scanning and identification directly to determining an objective, with insufficient attention to the important element of formally defining the issue. Proper definition is a vital foundation for effective issue management, and comprises a sound understanding of the issue itself, choosing exactly the right words to best position the issue and securing agreement on the definition. It also requires a full appreciation of the techniques used by other parties to try to redefine the issue to their competing agenda, and this paper identifies and categorises three such techniques. Copyright © 2004 Henry Stewart Publications 相似文献
662.
Helen E. S. Nesadurai 《The Pacific Review》2013,26(1):73-113
As a result of the financial crisis, some commentators see the reform process in the East Asian states as an outcome of the disciplining behaviour of financial markets that will lead to the emergence of a neoliberal form of capitalism. The Malaysian experience suggests, however, that progress to neoliberal forms of economic organization will not be inevitable, despite governments having to increasingly accommodate global markets. In Malaysia, the degree to which a neoliberal adjustment response could be embraced was limited by domestic political factors. First, the government needed to maintain the ethnic based distributive policy that favours ethnic Malays with material entitlements for reasons of state and regime security. Second, the state was not wholly insulated from a key social group that emerged as a result of the ethnic-based distributive policy, namely an elite Malay corporate group. A third reason was economic nationalism, a major component of Prime Minister Mahathir's vision for the country that stressed the building up of Malaysian corporations and conglomerates. Access to domestic sources of funds for adjustment and the centralization of power in the government, particularly in the office of the Prime Minister, facilitated this process of defending national economic arrangements, at least during the period in question. The limited liberalization of the ethnic based distributive policy did not, however, imply a shift in the ideological and policy agenda towards complete embrace of neoliberal norms and practices. The imposition of capital controls, although announced as a temporary measure to allow space for the government to pursue its preferred course of adjustment, further indicates that the commitment to free markets in Malaysia is instrumental. The Malaysian case suggests that movement towards neoliberal forms of economic organization as a result of the financial crisis may be limited and is not inevitable. 相似文献
663.
Douglas A. Schuler 《Journal of Public Affairs (14723891)》2001,1(4):336-355
This essay reviews the primary methods that have been used to study corporate public affairs, issues management, and corporate political activity (PA/IM/CPA). We identify three tractable areas of research in these areas: (1) the determinants of PAM/IM/CPA; (2) the effects of PAM/IM/CPA on public policy outcomes; and (3) the effects of public policy outcomes on overall firm financial performance. Despite the considerable difficulties in gathering data to test these phenomena, we posit that scholars have made progress in understanding some aspects of these relationships. Still, we conclude that the greatest weakness for the advancement of methodological progress is the lack of a theoretical model describing the PAM/IM/CPA process, which ultimately hinders the ability of empiricists to seek the ‘proper’ data to test such relationships. Copyright © 2001 Henry Stewart Publications 相似文献
664.
经济帮助制度是我国离婚救济制度中的重要组成部分,随着社会的不断进步,原有经济帮助制度的有些方面开始逐渐和社会现实脱节,无法更好地保护离婚时的弱势一方。目前,离婚女性处于弱势地位的现象仍比较普遍,应在现有的经济帮助制度基础上,结合我国目前的经济发展水平,社会保障制度,以及女性在劳动就业和经济收入方面仍处于劣势地位的情况来完善我国的经济帮助制度。 相似文献
665.
卜祥记 《江南社会学院学报》2010,12(2):12-14
2009年11月21日,上海财经大学人文学院和上海市伦理学会联合召开了＂金融危机的伦理反思＂全国学术研讨会,与会专家学者各自从不同学科出发,在经济伦理反思的总体框架下,对金融危机爆发的根源及其防范机制等问题各抒己见：国际金融危机所引发的种种认识幻象,是否意味着技术的忏悔遮蔽着道德的查审;为什么最具有现代金融监管技术和体系的华尔街却因监管不力引发重大危机;信用比信心更重要,应努力建构中国社会的信用体系;对当代金融危机的伦理反思的深度解读,必然要追究到政治制度与经济制度的深层本体论问题。 相似文献
666.
离岸金融市场是金融自由化、国际化的产物，虽然它仅有不到一百年的历史，但其发展迅猛，已经成为现代金融的重要组成部分，在国际金融市场上发挥着重要的作用。与此同时，离岸金融市场也存在消极作用，它加剧了金融风险，加大了金融控制的难度。因此，离岸金融市场的建立和发展有赖于相关法律制度的健全和保障。我们应深入探究离岸金融市场监管法律问题的独特性，根据我国离岸金融市场的现状特点，找出我国离岸金融市场法制建设所面临的问题,并就如何建立和完善我国离岸金触市场法制建设进行研究。 相似文献
667.
在2000年海南凯立公司因寻求公开发行股票未果而提起以中国证监会为被告的行政诉讼案件发生之后,各方给予很高评价,并期待该案在推动未来我国金融市场法治化发展方面能起到重大影响。然而,凯立案发生之后近十年的中国证券市场法治化进程实际上已经证明当初人们的乐观预期落空了。在股票发行领域,监管者的实质性审查权力与现代金融市场的法治化要求这两者之间存在着内在的紧张和矛盾,进而阻碍了法院成为提升金融法治程度的推动力量。 相似文献
668.
越南的金融改革在银行规模和效率、证券市场和保险市场的广度方面取得了较大的成效。但是越南的金融改革仍然未摆脱金融抑制,其原因是越南没有建立以产权制度、法律制度为核心的良好的制度体系。鉴于此,金融危机之后,越南应继续在渐进的改革路径下加强产权保护,加快立法进程和提高法律的执行效力,提高政府效率,以此推动金融改革。 相似文献
669.
Shawna K. Metzger 《国际相互影响》2017,43(5):771-796
Is state behavior influenced by the context in which it occurs, or does context arise because of the way in which states behave? I investigate these questions in the context of international disputes over issues and states’ militarized behavior. The prevalent assumption in interstate conflict research is that disputed issues are exogenous to militarization patterns. I question the validity of this assumption, arguing there are reasons to suspect certain states self-select into disputes. I use a coevolution modeling strategy to allow the existence of disputes and states’ behavior to mutually affect one another. I find disputes are not exogenous to states’ militarized behavior. States that resort to militarized behavior are more likely to dispute an issue than peaceful states. I also find evidence of behavioral contagion among states engaged in disputes: Militarized behavior begets militarized behavior. 相似文献
670.
RAUL GOMEZ 《European Journal of Political Research》2022,61(2):566-585
Despite the widespread secularisation of West European societies, research has only found mixed evidence of a decline in the influence of religion on people's electoral preferences. A relatively recent line of inquiry has adopted a ‘top-down’ approach to this problem, arguing that the impact of religion not only depends on structural social changes, but also on parties’ convergence on moral issues. Drawing upon this ‘top-down’ approach and the ‘impressionable years’ model, this article argues that parties’ political strategies aimed at (de-)mobilising social cleavages have a lasting effect on voters’ party preferences. Using nine rounds of the European Social Survey for 19 West European countries, I find the impact of religiosity on voting for the centre-right (Conservative and Christian Democratic parties) to be significantly smaller for voters who were exposed during emerging adulthood (aged 15–25) to a centre-right party that adopted similar positions on moral issues to those of its main competitors. These findings have important implications because they highlight the role of generational replacement in bringing about electoral change, even when this is prompted by parties’ strategic choices. 相似文献