Gender aspects of inheritance strategies and land transmission in rural Scania,Sweden, 1720–1840

This study deals with gender aspects of land transmissions in pre-industrial Sweden. Although not supported by law, a clear mentality of male primogeniture among peasants existed in the Swedish countryside in the 18th century. In many cases, however, this ideal could never be realized, making the idea of the “family farm,” handed down from father to son for generations, more of a myth than a reality. This study uses postmortem inventories linked to tax registers and family reconstitutions for a sample of parishes in southern Sweden to show that various strategies were chosen when transferring the farm after the death of the husband or wife. Although sons were more likely to take over the farms, daughters (or more correctly sons-in-law) also frequently did so, as did, sometimes, more distant kin and non-kin. Moreover, it was not the case, as has sometimes been maintained, that daughters took over the farm only when no able-bodied sons were available. On the contrary, daughters (sons-in-law) quite frequently took over the farm even when sons were present. The decision on land transmission was part of a more general family strategy concerning reproduction (access to marriage and household formation) as well as old-age security.     

Independence and inter-dependence: Household formation patterns in eighteenth century Kythera,Greece

While earlier hypotheses concerning the household formation patterns of Greek populations were proved mistaken, further hypotheses have been proposed. Though the small number of existing studies prevents us from conclusively describing the household formation patterns in nineteenth century Greece, no studies exist referring to eighteenth century. This paper examines the household formation patterns on eighteenth century Kythera using nominal census and notarial sources. It demonstrates that Kythera did not belong either to the West or to the East, as these were described by Hajnal; neither did its household formation system conform to Laslett's Mediterranean tendency in quotation marks. The widespread prevalence of nuclear households in Kythera disguised the strong economic links between the paternal household and those of his sons. Thus, the residential independence, as demonstrated in the quantitative analysis of the census, contrasts the economic inter-dependence between the paternal and the son's households, as depicted in the qualitative notarial sources.     

Residence patterns of aged widows in three Mediterranean communities and the organization of the care

Widowhood and old age increase the need for support. The analysis of the living arrangements of the elderly demonstrates how that assistance was provided. The example of these three Majorcan communities (Sineu, Vilafranca, and Capdepera) between 1880 and 1965 indicates that the solidarity networks of the family members enabled elderly widows and widowers to live in their own households. Proximity permitted a regular and intensive contact by the members of the family and a continuous exchange of services and help that met the needs of the different generations as in other Mediterranean societies. However, residential proximity did not replace coresidence with married children. Both coresidence and residential proximity were strategies that families employed according to their particular needs and situations. The frequency of complex households and whether headship of the household remained with the older generation were determined by the nature of the inheritance system as well as by the ability of older women to assist with domestic tasks, such as the care of grandchildren. The position of women as usufructuaries or nonproprietors after the death of their husbands helps explain the higher proportion that lived in the households of married children. Widowers, as they owned the house in which they lived, were in a stronger position and retained the headship of the household. From the last decades of the 19th century to the 1960s, the number of widowed who lived alone gradually increased, but daily contact with children was maintained.     

Mongolia's evolving security strategy: omni-enmeshment and balance of influence

Abstract

With the publication of its 2010 National Security Concept and its 2011 Foreign Policy Concept, Ulaanbaatar has formalised a shift in foreign policy that has been readily apparent since 2000. Whereas Mongolia's foreign policy for the 1990s was formulated around an omni-enmeshment strategy, its foreign policy from 2000 onward is best conceptualised as an amalgam of omni-enmeshment and balance of influence. Ulaanbaatar's new foreign policy strategy implicitly identifies China as the country's largest security concern. This sense of a China ‘challenge’ is mirrored in Ulaanbaatar's post-2000 foreign policy relations.     

Attempts at diversification: Mexico and Pacific Asia

This article aims to explain the development of Mexico's relations with Pacific Asia. Based on the historical background of Mexico's relations with Asia and on internal and international transformations, we identify the interests of Mexican political actors in Pacific Asia. We provide an overview of the existing political and economic relations between Mexico and Pacific Asia, demonstrating that the success of diversification has been very limited. By trying to explain the gap between the strategic goals and the existing relations we focus on the domestic politics in Mexico. We conclude that intra-elite conflicts had a negative effect on the diversification attempts, since those conflicts prevented Mexican policy-makers from establishing the institutional basis for successfully implementing their foreign policy goals.     

State intervention and neoliberalism in the globalizing world economy: lessons from Singapore's regionalization programme

The recent 1997-98 Asian economic crisis has thrown Asia's divergent pathways to development into serious question. Protagonists of neoliberalism argue that their agenda is now becoming a global orthodoxy when several ailing Asian economies have accepted IMF packages which come with neoliberal economic programmes. Drawing on lessons from Singapore's regionalization programme, this article contends that it is far too early to conclude that Asian developmental states are giving up their governance of domestic economies. Instead, there is evidence that these Asian developmental states are re-regulating their domestic economies to ride out of the economic crisis. The article first starts with the debate between neoliberalism and state developmentalism in our understanding of global political economy. It then examines the political economy of Singapore's regionalization programme through which Singapore-based transnational corporations are strongly encouraged by the state to regionalize their operations, followed by a critical discussion of the impact of the recent Asian economic crisis on the re-regulation of the regionalization programme by the state in Singapore. Some lessons for Asian emerging economies are suggested in the concluding section.     

Global norms in domestic politics: environmental norm contestation in Cambodia's hydropower sector

Policymakers in many developing Asian countries have commonly relied on investment incentives as a major policy instrument to attract foreign investment. Using comparative case studies of Asian transnational corporations (TNCs) in Southeast Asia, this paper argues that investment incentives per se are ineffective in attracting foreign investment. The paper first examines the role of government incentives in the inflow of foreign investment, with particular reference to the Southeast Asian region. It then provides a comparative study of Hong Kong and Taiwanese investments. Hong Kong TNCs are shown to have invested in Southeast Asia because of market or market‐related reasons, not investment incentives per se. To these firms from Hong Kong, investment incentives are more a kind of post hoc rationalization of their decision making. For the Taiwanese investors in Malaysia, government incentives are less important than the existence of market access and the friendly host country environment. The paper also suggests some implications and specific policy recommendations for policymakers in host country governments. Instead of over‐reliance on investment incentives, host country governments should be more concerned with: 1) a commitment to internationalization through the promotion and marketing of international images; 2) the upgrading of domestic resources through continuous training and development; 3) a more efficient allocation of resources; 4) supra‐national coordination and promotion.     

英国公共外交的特征、优势及对中国的启示

政府退居幕后只进行监管和财政支持、公共外交丰富的内容以及鲜明的主题,让英国的公共外交在国际舞台上彰显独特的“英国魅力”。2012年,英国首次登上世界软实力榜的榜首,这不仅与英国巨大的文化优势有关,而且公共外交机构的合理搭配以及巨大的财政投入和智库孜孜不倦地提供合理的政策建议,成为英国公共外交强有力的经济支撑、智力支持和灵活的行政配搭。英国利用公共外交在国际社会始终保持影响力的成功经验也为中国提供了诸多启示：公共外交要以民众为主,加大对公共外交的投入力度,建立结构清晰的公共外交队伍。     

Environmental policy implications of investor-state arbitration under NAFTA Chapter 11

Chapter 11 of the North American Free Trade Agreement requires governments to treat foreign investors the same as domestic investors, to afford them international standards of due process of law, and to compensate investors for any actions that expropriate their investments or are “tantamount” to expropriation. It allows foreign investors to submit compensation claims to international arbitration. To the alarm of the environmental community, four of the early Chapter 11 claims involved challenges to government measures that were, or appeared to be, environmental protection measures. The first three of the four claimants ultimately received compensation; the fourth claim was denied as being outside the scope of Chapter 11. This paper takes an in-depth look at the circumstances of these four claims to determine whether the claimants had thwarted or avoided bona fide environmental protection measures and to try to assess whether these claims have “chilled” government imposition of new environmental measures. The facts of the cases and developments subsequently indicate that the government actions in the first three cases were not truly environmental protection measures, but were motivated by local political and economic considerations. The fourth claim, which involved a bona fide environmental protection, was rightly rejected. Meanwhile the number of “environmental” claims under Chapter 11 has dwindled. The paper concludes that environmentalists have little ground for alarm, and much reason to be encouraged, about how Chapter 11 has influenced environmental protection.