Sectoral dimensions of Poland's investment development path revisited

The purpose of the present paper is to determine the changes of the sector and industry structure of FDI and to confront the observed patterns with the hypotheses or predictions derived from the IDP model. At the heart of the IDP model lies the concept of net outward investment (NOI). The NOI position (NOIP), broken down by the main sectors and component industries of the Polish economy, is analyzed for the period of 1996–2016. We develop a conceptual framework of the sectoral shifts in the composition of NOIP along its different stages. Subsequently, our panel regression analysis indicates that the relative share of a sector in inward and outward FDI stocks is positively related to its level of technological intensity and its level of service intensity.     

Foreign aid,democracy, and gender quota laws

Why do so many developing countries have gender quota policies? This article argues that foreign aid programmes influence developing countries to adopt policies aimed at fulfilling international norms regarding gender equality. This relationship is driven by two causal mechanisms. On the one hand, countries may use gender quotas as a signal to improve their standing in the international hierarchy, possibly as an end unto itself, but more likely as a means towards ensuring future aid flows. On the other, countries may adopt gender quotas as a result of successful foreign aid interventions specifically designed to promote women’s empowerment. I test these two causal mechanisms using data on foreign aid commitments to 173 non-OECD countries from 1974 to 2012. The results suggest that while programmes targeting women’s empowerment may have some influence on quota adoption, developing countries dependent on United States foreign aid are also likely to use gender quotas as signalling devices rather than as a result of ongoing liberalization efforts.     

Economic Policy,Political Constraints,and Foreign Direct Investment in Developing Countries

As foreign direct investment (FDI) has become increasingly important in the world economy, a large body of literature has emerged regarding the determinants of FDI flows. Some scholars argue that democracy attracts FDI through the mechanism of political constraints, which reduce the risk of negative policy changes. However, the value of policy stability should be conditional on the attractiveness of contemporary FDI-relevant policies. I therefore propose a theoretically more comprehensive argument: political constraints are attractive to investors when the host country policy environment is FDI-friendly, because these political constraints reduce the probability of negative policy changes in the future. When the policy environment is hostile to FDI, on the other hand, political constraints will have little positive effect, and, to the extent they indicate that FDI-relevant policies are unlikely to improve, may even deter FDI. This argument helps explain why the positive relationship between democracy and FDI seems to emerge after a global shift toward FDI-friendly polices. I find robust empirical support for the argument in tests covering more than 100 developing countries from 1970 to 2014, indicating significant effects using a variety of policy and political constraint measures.     

试论艾森豪威尔政府对大陆东南亚的援助政策

NSC5429/5、NSC5612/1与NSC6012等文件是艾森豪威尔政府对大陆东南亚援助政策的纲领性文件,它们包含了该政府对东南亚援助政策的主要原则.本文以上述文件为中心,参照相关美国外交档案,考察了艾森豪威尔政府对东南亚援助政策的形成背景和内容,并从不同的角度对艾森豪威尔政府对东南亚援助政策的特点、影响做一考察.     

Uzbekistan among the great powers

Under the authoritarian regime of Islam Karimov, Uzbekistan has achieved independence and stability by exploiting its natural resources through a strategy of “staple globalism” and by balancing the great powers against each other. Since the breakup of the Soviet Union in 1991, the new regime first distanced itself from Russia and tried regional alliances, then accepted help from NATO, and most recently turned cautiously to Russia (and China). Throughout, Uzbekistan has managed to receive considerable assistance from international agencies and military aid from several outside powers, albeit relatively little private foreign investment, owing to its poor business climate. The country has also handled potential conflicts with neighbors without significant violence.     

东亚地区新兴市场经济体金融部门FDI的增长及其发展趋势

东亚金融危机之后,东亚新兴市场经济体的FSFDI大幅增长。从FSFDI兴起的直接原因看,东亚新兴市场经济体与拉丁美洲国家的FSFDI均属于"冲击诱导型",但前者在金融部门开放程度、FSFDI的来源国以及区域内的国别差异等方面表现出了与后者不同的特征。近年来,随着中国金融改革的不断深化,FSFDI在东亚地区的发展出现了一系列新的变化和趋势,值得我们予以关注和研究。     

析吉林省对外劳务合作中存在的问题

20世纪90年代以来,吉林省对外劳务合作发展迅速,取得了显著成绩,合作规模及市场均不断扩大,但在总体上还存在着劳务合作波动较大且收益偏低,劳务合作对象及合作领域集中、合作渠道单一、劳务人员素质偏低以及劳务合作风险较大等问题。     

试析中国对越南的经济与军事援助(1950～1978年)

1950年以来,中国对越南的政治、经济与军事援助在不同的历史时期具有不同的特点。1950～1954年,中国主要是在军事上为越南的抗法斗争进行援助。1954～1964年,中国为帮助越南的社会主义建设提供了大量援助。1965～1973年,因为越南战争爆发,中国的援助主要围绕援越抗美而展开。     

试析文莱对外关系的特点

1984年1月1日独立后,文莱从本国实际出发,积极利用各种有利条件发展对外关系。在政治交往中,广泛参与各种国际组织和地区性组织,发展与世界各国的友好关系;在经济层面上,利用本国的资源优势扩大与世界各国的经济往来;同时加强与穆斯林世界的友好交往,从而在国际交往中获得主动,维护国家利益。     

论我国各法域对区际继承法律冲突的解决

继承产生于亲属之间,以人身关系为基础,以转移物权为目的,是一种非常复杂的民事关系.目前我国作为“一国两制四法域”的国家,在继承方面的差异很大.而继承又作为影响我国日常生活的大事,其巨大差异无疑阻碍了我国各法域之间正常民事关系的往来.通过我国区际继承法律冲突,逐一分析我国四个法域各自对于继承法律冲突的解决,以期对我国的区际继承法律冲突有深入的了解.