从东南亚到非洲:日本对外援助的政治经济学

2006年,日本对非洲的援助开始超过亚洲,非洲成为接受日本对外援助最多的地区。这一变化是长期以来日本对外援助理念、与受援国关系建构以及与主要援助国互动关系变化的反映。本文试图构建一种援助体系的分析框架,并确定了影响对外援助的三组关系:援助国与受援国的关系、对外援助与国内政治的联系、对外援助与国际社会的联系。日本对外援助理念和政策的变化正是这三组关系在不同阶段影响程度不同的反映。通过研究发现,日本的对外援助已经远远超出了经济利益和人道主义考虑的范围,将援助作为外交和战略工具逐渐成为其对外援助的一个重要特征。日本的对外援助是援助研究中比较有代表性的案例,通过这一研究能更好地认识国际援助的发展。另外,日本对外援助过程中的一些经验教训也能为中国提供借鉴。     

缅甸独立后外交政策的演变与中缅关系的发展

缅甸独立后,其政治发展经历了多次政权更迭,致使其外交政策发生了几次较为重大的变化。受此影响,中缅关系也出现了一些起伏,但总体上看,奉行积极友善的对华政策一直是历届缅甸政府所遵循的原则。     

东北亚地区的民族国家认同、地区认同与对外认知

认同会对政治的认识与行为带来重要影响。但从国际关系视角对这一问题进行研究尚处于起步阶段。本文就构建东北亚共同体为背景,以韩中日三国为主轴,通过问卷调查的形式,对东北亚地区民族国家认同的强度和影响力,民族国家认同对地区认同的形成以及东北亚国家的对外认识的影响,超国家的接触对国家、地区认同及对外认识的影响等三个问题得出了结论。并认为,韩中日三国均表现出强烈的国家认同,并对地区共同体的形成产生不良影响;东北亚地区存在的否定相互认知,根源在于日本帝国主义的侵略战争。     

试论韩国朴槿惠政府的外交政策趋向与朝鲜半岛局势

韩国朴槿惠政府将在李明博政府实用主义外交的基础上,进一步调整韩国的外交政策,以韩关战略同盟关系为核心、进一步加强和充实中韩战略合作伙伴关系的内涵,并在推动朝鲜半岛和平进程方面,努力构建朝鲜半岛的南北信任程序,以改善朝鲜半岛南北关系。为解决朝鲜核问题等,朴槿惠政府还将强化韩美中三国在朝鲜半岛的战略合作,以进一步发挥韩国在中关两国和东北亚外交安保领域中的战略协调作用。朴槿惠政府时代,朝鲜半岛局势的发展,将取决于三大变量的博弈,即关朝关系、朝鲜半岛南北关系和中朝关系的变化。随着中关韩朝等半岛周边国家外交安保政策的调整,朝鲜半岛最终将走上和解与和平、合作的战略轨道。     

Beyond Boom and Bust: External Rents,Durable Authoritarianism,and Institutional Adaptation in the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan

Drawing on recent critiques and advances in theories of the rentier state, this paper uses an in-depth case study of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan to posit a new “supply and demand” approach to the study of external rents and authoritarian durability. The Jordanian rentier state is not exclusively a product of external rents, particularly foreign aid, but also of the demands of a coalition encompassing groups with highly disparate economic policy preferences. The breadth of the Hashemite coalition requires that the regime dispense rent-fueled side payments to coalition members through constructing distributive institutions. Yet neither rent supply nor coalition demands are static. Assisted by geopolitically motivated donors, the Hashemites have adapted institutions over time to tap a diverse supply of rents that range from economic and military aid to protocol trade, allowing them to retain power through periods of late development, domestic political crisis, and neoliberal conditionality.

Making good on donors’ desire to Do Development Differently

Foreign aid donors are increasingly focused on changing the way their development agencies function. This discourse has focused on desired qualities, including greater knowledge of local contextual realities, appropriate adaptation to context and greater flexibility to respond to changing circumstances. We argue that more attention needs to be devoted to the achievement of these qualities and turn to contingency theory to identify some under-exploited ways to ‘do development differently’. The qualities sought by donors are emergent properties of complex organisational systems and will only be achieved through a micro-level and interlinked focus on the fundamentals of organisation.     

A look inside an emerging nuclear supplier. Advocacy coalitions and change in Argentine foreign nuclear policy

What light can foreign policy analysis (FPA) shed on how and when the balance of power between domestic coalitions in foreign nuclear policymaking changes and how these different balances directly affect policy outcomes? Drawing on interviews with scientists, technologists and career diplomats, this comprehensive examination of Argentine nuclear exports policy as public policy aims to depict when and how policies varied between 1976 and 2004, due to shifts in the balance amongst advocacy coalitions, albeit of incentives and constraints placed by international and institutional nuclear environments. The article provides a better account of how Argentine nuclear foreign policy changed under the influence of four competitive and contrasting advocacy coalitions: the pro-import substitution and protectionist coalition, the pro-technological autonomy and South-South trade coalition, the pro-business and commercial openness coalition and the antinuclear and pro-environment coalition.     

朝鲜北学派的新华夷观解析

中国传统的"华夷观"长期影响着朝鲜半岛,朝鲜各朝代的封建统治者也以"小中华"自居。"尊华攘夷"、"慕华贱夷"是朝鲜人传统的文化观念,这一文化观念严重影响了民族意识和民族文化的健康发展。自进入清代以来,朝鲜人自以为所谓华夷秩序大乱,华夏文明之真传移到了朝鲜,并因此而深感自豪;同时,自感传续华夏文明之真传的责任重大,虔诚地维护传统文化,唯恐有丝毫的亵渎。尽管当时由于地理大发现、西势东渐,人类文明格局发生了巨大变化,但朝鲜卫道士们一直将中华以外的文明视为"夷狄"之货,采取不屑一顾的态度。在如此僵化愚腐的意识氛围中,北学派的先驱洪大容率先提出了"华夷一也"的新观念,实现从"慕华贱夷"、"尊华攘夷"到"华夷一也"思想的飞跃。在东亚率先打破传统的"华夷观"是朝鲜北学派的一大特点,在朝鲜唤起了民族主体意识,为朝鲜学习世界先进文化,吸收新的世界文明做了理论准备。     

中国对外贸易国家安全制度重构

《对外贸易法》在我国对外贸易中具有防范国家安全威胁和维护国家安全的重要作用。然而,反观美国《1962年贸易拓展法》以及《关税及贸易总协定》《服务贸易总协定》和近期生效实施的部分区域自由贸易协定有关国家安全制度的立法模式,我国《对外贸易法》相关条款的“两分法”模式存在明显不足。根据“总体国家安全观”,我国有必要制定具有“时代性”特点的对外贸易国家安全制度。     

The Geography of the International System: The CShapes Dataset

Sceptics of globalization attribute the proliferation of light weapons to economic openness. Increasing globalization apparently weakens public authority, leading to social disarray, anomic violence, and general conditions that make handgun ownership and use more likely. Pro-globalists might argue contrarily that trade openness can raise the premium on peace as violence is bad for business. Moreover, greater interdependence allows the diffusion of anti-proliferation norms and facilitates cooperative behavior among trading partners for stemming the demand for and proliferation of small arms. Using a unique dataset on small arms imports, we find that greater openness to trade and Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) lowers small arms imports per capita. A policy measure of economic freedom is associated with higher small arms imports, but this association seems to be explained entirely by the association between economic freedom and strong bureaucracies. States that are de facto more open to the global trading system are less likely to be inundated with these weapons, but richer, better-governed countries import more small arms. Global policy should pay closer attention to the seepage of these weapons from the relatively wealthy, who manufacture and buy them in larger quantities, to the poor, among whom the ‘problems’ associated with small arms are often manifested. Curbing those factors that encourage globalization, however, would be counterproductive to reducing the trade in small arms and light weapons.