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61.
Abstract

European leaders frequently vaunt the European Union's distinctiveness in adopting and pursuing a comprehensive approach to security. The EU's profile as an international actor is designed to span across all dimensions of security. As a result, its security policy portfolio involves a large number of institutional actors and policies that need to be coordinated. The ambition of the EU to provide security in a comprehensive manner raises challenges at the politico–strategic level, at the level of operational and policy planning and in day-to-day implementation. So far, the field is lacking an inclusive analytical framework for the analysis of providing security through a distinctively comprehensive civil–military, economic and political organisation. This article seeks to close this gap by providing suggestions for how the wide range of issues related to comprehensive security could be structured, and by framing the matter theoretically and with reference to existing conceptual work and empirical research.  相似文献   
62.
Abstract

India's spectacular rise in recent years has been the source of hyperbolic theorising and speculation on its major power status. Middle power theory offers a set of dynamic analytical parameters which allow for re-evaluating India's global influence and identifying both strengths and weaknesses of its power projection and resources. Placing emphasis on themes of Third World leadership, good international citizenship, multilateral activism, bridge-building diplomacy, and coalition-building with like-minded states, the middle power concept can encapsulate key aspects of India's contemporary agency and account for structural dynamics which constitute a reformist world-view through the reconfiguration of the Indian state within the existing world order. Overall, middlepowermanship delineates fundamental continuities in India's foreign policy tradition, epitomises India's existing position in the neoliberal world order, while providing a good indication of the directions India will take on the global stage in the short and medium-term.  相似文献   
63.
This article highlights trends in testamentary behaviour in modern Ireland derived from registers of probate cases. Primary findings show a consistently high level of intestacy in modern Ireland. It argues that such rates were more closely related to popular perceptions rather than an understanding of succession law. It also highlights that while real property was not normally divided pre-mortem transfer of non-fixed assets complicated efforts to understand how estates devolved. Testamentary behaviour also shifted significantly in favour of pious bequests in the period under review.  相似文献   
64.
In this paper we test competing hypotheses about the shape of the time-profile of foreign direct investment profitability on a panel of countries. Using partial linearization method we derive the time-profile of the cumulative profitability for the stock of direct investment from aggregate macroeconomic data. By testing the non-linearity hypothesis of the cumulative profitability life-cycle of direct investment we find a cubic curve.
Filip NovotnyEmail:
  相似文献   
65.
《外国公司问责法案》经美国总统特朗普于2020年12月18日签署而正式生效。该法案直指在美上市的中资企业,将两国证券监管合作的矛盾和分歧上升到金融脱钩,使得在美上市的中资企业面临下市和被迫退出美国资本市场的风险。《外国公司问责法案》是近年来中美两国贸易摩擦向金融领域的延伸,也是美方提出的“脱钩论”在贸易和投资领域之外的纵向发展。中美贸易冲突不仅没有随着《中美经贸协定》(第一阶段)的签署而得到缓和,反而在新冠疫情之后继续加剧,并且向金融、科技和教育等领域蔓延,中美两国“脱钩论”甚嚣尘上。美国加紧在金融领域通过法律战的方式推进中美“脱钩”,对中资企业在美上市融资构成现实威胁。中国应该通过法律的方式,在技术层面应对中美监管合作,化解和弱化双方的监管合作矛盾。  相似文献   
66.
近年来,从小泉、安倍、再到福田,日本政府都非常重视构成两国关系之潜流的精神和价值理念领域。特别是前首相福田转变了小泉和安倍的"价值本位"外交方向,并从"回归古典"着手,力图通过重构中日两国的精神、价值大厦,使中日关系不仅仅是一种利益、利害关系的存在,而是建立在双方共同理解、追求并能够互相接受的价值阈值的基础之上。这样,中日关系才可能从根本上克服其脆弱性的一面,从而走得更远。而中日两国在第四个政治文件中就此所达成的共识,即为实现这一目标的"新向度"。无疑这是前首相福田对中外交的重要遗产。  相似文献   
67.
Jens Beckert 《Society》2008,45(6):521-528
There are some social issues whose significance for society nobody would seriously question but which nevertheless receive only scarce attention in sociological research. One of these is the bequest of private wealth from one generation to the next. It is currently estimated that about 550 billion dollars are transferred annually in the United States, amounting to more than 4% of the American gross national product (Havens and Schervish 1999). Not only is this a huge amount of wealth that changes ownership, but the bequest of wealth speaks to some of the core questions of sociological scholarship.
Jens BeckertEmail:
  相似文献   
68.
目的 应用中医传承辅助系统(V2.5)软件分析新安医家王任之治疗中风后遗症的用药经验。 方法 将收集整理的王任之治疗中风后遗症的处方,录入“中医传承辅助系统”,采用规则分析、改进互信息法等数据挖掘方法,分析其治疗中风的用药经验。 结果 王任之治疗中风后遗症常用的药物有黄芪、当归、干地龙、鸡血藤、红花、葛根、制豨莶草、炒怀牛膝等。常见的药物组合有:黄芪配伍当归、黄芪配伍干地龙、当归配伍干地龙、黄芪配伍当归和干地龙、鸡血藤配伍黄芪、红花配伍黄芪、红花配伍当归。 结论 王任之在鉴别诊断出血性中风和缺血性中风的基础上,首辨证候虚实,实证常用调气活血、熄风通络法,虚证则用益气活血和络法,多以益气活血、养血通络、补益肝肾药物组方。  相似文献   
69.
ABSTRACT

This paper develops expectations about the likelihood of diversionary conflict initiation by parliamentary democracies with single-party majoritarian (SPM) governments. While most of the literature on diversion and governmental arrangement claims that SPMs have little incentive and/or limited capacity to execute diversionary gambits, we contend that the structural and environmental impetuses for diversion in such states are in fact largely indeterminate. We posit that the psychological attributes of prime ministers under SPM – in particular, their level of distrust – is the most important predictor of how they view structural and environmental constraints, and thus of whether they will militarily divert from poor economic conditions. Distrustful prime ministers are predisposed to the use of force, will dwell on the costs of economic problems, and fear that co-partisan MPs (especially in the cabinet) have designs on their office. Thus, despite having a legislative majority, these leaders will choose diversionary conflict over economic policy fixes. We conduct a partial test of this hypothesis in the British case from 1945 to 2007, and our analyses provide robust support.  相似文献   
70.
文章从一个具体案件是继承或析产纠纷的的不同处理结果发现了继承法条文和司法解释存在矛盾 ,在法律分析基础上提出了解决法律冲突的建议。  相似文献   
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