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141.
This study argues that the nature and intensity of a person's relationship with God creates a transposable cognitive schema that shapes people's views toward public policies such as executing convicted murderers. In this context, we investigate whether Americans who report having a close personal relationship with a loving God are less likely to support the death penalty. We hypothesize that such a relationship tempers the tendency to see punitiveness as an appropriate response to human failings. Individuals who hold a loving God image are more likely to believe that God responds to those who have “failed” or “sinned” by demonstrating unconditional love, forgiveness, and mercy. Accordingly, support for capital punishment is problematic because it contradicts the image of a merciful, forgiving deity; God's purpose—and admonition to believers—is to demonstrate compassion toward those who have trespassed against others. We test these possibilities using the 2004 General Social Survey (GSS). Controlling for a range of religious factors and other known predictors of death penalty attitudes, the results show that Americans with a personal relationship with a loving God are less likely to support capital punishment for convicted murderers. 相似文献
142.
吴光芸 《广东行政学院学报》2007,19(1):31-34,52
乡村社会资本把微观层次的乡村居民的个体行为与宏观层次的集体选择结合在一起,以合作互利为分析前提,说明个人理性与社会理性、个人利益与社会利益能够达成统一,因而既是集体行动中农民合作的基础,也是乡村治理强有力的社会资源。这要求我们培育乡村社会资本,为农民合作与乡村治理提供良好的内源基础。 相似文献
143.
K. Sridharan 《Diplomacy & Statecraft》2002,13(2):57-82
It is almost a decade since India began its economic reforms. Apart from the purely domestic economic objectives that the reforms were expected to achieve, there was a recognition that reform was imperative if India wanted to become an economic power of consequence within and beyond its region. This had important foreign policy implications. Official pronouncements reflected the concern that the balance of fiscal power as opposed to military power was the key factor in determining a country's international standing. This called for an integrated strategy to bring economic and foreign policies closer. The implementation of a vigorous foreign economic policy could not be undertaken without sharpening the commercial diplomatic tool. Indian foreign policy over the last decade has been grappling with this challenge. This article analyses the reorientation in Indian foreign policy, assesses the efforts undertaken so far to make commercial diplomacy viable and highlights the challenges that multi-layered diplomacy poses for a country like India. 相似文献
144.
基于企业文化的组织资本形成研究 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
企业文化是企业全体成员所共同遵循的价值观和行为规范.组织成员可以通过分享企业文化而产生凝聚力和创新动力.企业文化不仅能诱导企业组织成员的知识、技能和经验有效地转化为组织资本,而且能促使企业组织资本结构要素与工作任务之间产生协同效应.组织学习、文化调整、知识积累和引导组织成员行为是企业组织资本形成的路径依赖. 相似文献
145.
王慧 《陕西行政学院学报》2004,18(1)
为使我国创业投资健康良性发展,建立第二板块的股票市场退出机制是必要的。知识创新是高技术产业发展的必要条件,是知识资本转化的基础。我国应重点发展初创基金、创新基金和开发基金,并把技术创新、技术开发和技术引进结合起来,利用二板市场积极推进创业投资规模。随着新技术革命的发展,中小企业在技术创新方面发挥着突出的作用,一些大企业既可以自己从事科研开发,通过风险投资基金向中小企业投资,也可促进技术扩散。 相似文献
146.
深化金融改革,维护金融安全是我国金融发展的两大主题,也是完善社会主义市场经济体制的重要内容。当前我国金融业发展中潜在的和已经露头的金融风险对国民经济的健康、稳定运行带来了极大的威胁。因此,对金融风险的成因及对策的分析就显得极为必要。 相似文献
147.
按共同治理原则构建国有企业的治理模式 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
魏明 《广东行政学院学报》2003,15(3):71-74
传统公司治理理论在单一委托—代理框架内强调股东主权以解决所有者与经营者之间的利益冲突。随着人力资本产权理论、利益相关理论和企业社会责任理论兴起 ,尤其是 2 0世纪 80年代在美国兴起的恶意收购浪潮和反收购立法运动 ,人们对传统公司治理的经济学逻辑产生怀疑 ,共同治理原则开始孕育并日益为人们所接受。按照共同治理原则 ,我国国有企业的治理模式关键是在扬弃股东至上原则的基础上确认共同治理主体 ,建立有效的共同治理机制。 相似文献
148.
Stewart Lansley 《The Political quarterly》2015,86(4):563-572
This article examines the potential to tackle the roots of inequality by the introduction of one or more social wealth funds. Such funds would aim to capture some of the financial gains from the private ownership of capital—a principal driver of inequality—and use the proceeds for wider community benefit, such as investment in social infrastructure. In recent decades a number of countries have introduced a variant on such funds, mostly taking the form of state‐owned sovereign wealth funds resourced through the exploitation of oil, and used for a diversity of economic purposes. In contrast, the UK has failed to take the opportunity to create such funds by, for example, reinvesting the revenue from the sales of public assets. So would it be possible to build one or more such collectively owned funds in the UK, and if so, how should they be financed? As well as funding social investment and anti‐inequality programmes, could such a scheme also help finance a regular Citizen's Dividend payment or a Citizen's Income scheme? 相似文献
149.
近年来我国慈善组织的公信力屡遭考验,嫣然基金事件又将慈善组织推到了风口浪尖。信任是社会资本的重要内容,从社会资本理论出发,根据文献梳理,找出慈善组织公信力影响因素主要有信息透明度、合法性、社会网络、内部治理结构以及慈善文化。目前我国慈善组织公信力提升应先从信息透明度与内部治理结构着手,为我国慈善组织深化改革提供了长远发展的突破口。 相似文献
150.
Christos Boukalas 《Critical Studies on Terrorism》2015,8(1):55-71
This article discusses US counterterrorism from a class perspective. It sees counterterrorism as a state policy with differential effects on different social classes. In doing so, the article starts to address a lacuna in critical studies of counterterrorism, which tend to be rather structural and formal, thus ignoring the pertinence of counterterrorism to the field of social dynamics. To partly rectify this blind spot by addressing some class implications of counterterrorism, the article examines the effects of counterterrorism policy on capital accumulation and its social conditions. It notes that counterterrorism has different implications along class-lines: for dominant capital, it signifies appropriation of public money and direct participation in political decisions; for everyone else, it means material dispossession and political exclusion. Given that counterterrorism was developed between two crises of neoliberalism, the article distinguishes between economic crises, which tend to benefit capitalism, and political crises, which can be destructive, and suggests that counterterrorism is partly a restructuring of the neoliberal state so that it can manage recurring economic crises, while preventing their evolution into political ones. 相似文献