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81.
Giulio Pugliese 《The Pacific Review》2017,30(2):152-168
This article operationalizes Japanese leadership in foreign and security policy, specifically the Abe administrations’ consistent China balancing. It will do so to dispel instances of Premier-centered diplomacy and posit that Abe's diplomatic agenda has rested on a ‘hybrid’ policy-making authority, where the leverage enjoyed by the Prime Minister's office (the Kantei) rested on little-appreciated politicized personnel appointments and demotions within the bureaucratic apparatus, specifically the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Moreover, successful Japanese leadership has functioned especially when operating within the scope of the US strategic framework towards East Asia. While structural constraints, such as the ever-present influence of the USA and bureaucratic coordination, may constrain options, effective leadership in foreign policy-making can indeed make a difference within those boundaries. 相似文献
82.
Gorm Rye Olsen 《European Security》2018,27(1):41-57
Transatlantic cooperation on security has a long history. In Africa, transatlantic cooperation on security is basically between France and the United States. This paper asks why the two former competitors in Africa started to cooperate and also why they are so willing to engage militarily. The central argument in this paper poses that France and the US cooperate because it is indispensable to both parties. To France, the cooperation is indispensable because the US is the only power with sufficient financial means and with sufficient air-lift capacity to transport French and African troops into conflict-ridden countries. To Washington, cooperation with Paris is indispensable because the French authorities have unique access to intelligence and knowledge about large parts of Africa. By applying a foreign policy analysis framework, the paper analyses how perceptions of decision-makers, the role of personality and leadership, the role of government institutions and political systems have impacted the relevant decisions. It is emphasised that the two different decision-making systems – the French “state dominated” and the American “society dominated” – produce the same result, namely collaboration. It suggests that the perception of a serious threat from terrorism and Islamist radicalisation overrules differences in decision-making systems. 相似文献
83.
Narek Mkrtchyan 《Nationalities Papers》2017,45(3):485-498
The aim of this article is to provide a comprehensive explanation for the reasons behind governments’ decisions to relocate and build new capital cities. The process of capital-building is not a mere phenomenon of urbanization; rather it is a process of “text inventing” for nation-building projects. To emphasize implications for identity behind city constructions, the paper will discuss urbanization practices of Soviet Yerevan and post-Soviet Astana. However, to verify the validity and generalizability of the proposed argument, the article will also briefly provide historical analysis of relocation of capitals from Moscow to St. Petersburg, and from Istanbul to Ankara. The reconstruction of the capital of Soviet Armenia, Yerevan, in the 1920s is important in understanding the role of utopias in initiating identity transformations. The central conceptual premise of the article is Samuel Huntington’s theoretical concept of a “torn country” and the redefinition of civilizational identity. One reason capitals have been relocated and new capitals have been built throughout history is a need to initiate a long-term transformation of identity. 相似文献
84.
Alice Evans 《Third world quarterly》2017,38(7):1619-1638
This paper explores how gender ideologies shape industrial relations in the Asian garment industry. Drawing on ethnographic research, it illustrates how widespread norm perceptions of acquiescent women and assertive men reinforce patriarchal, authoritarian unions. Even if privately critical, women may be reluctant to protest if they anticipate social disapproval. Such beliefs reinforce patriarchal unions, curbing women workers’ collective analysis, engagement, and activism. This weakens the collective power of labour to push for better working conditions. Tackling norm perceptions and building more inclusive unions may help strengthen the labour movement. 相似文献
85.
《Communist and Post》2014,47(3-4):365-374
This study uses firm data to examine the locational trends of foreign direct investment projects undertaken by Polish companies. The findings of the study are consistent with the evolutionary models of internationalization. Companies in the early stages of internationalization are motivated by markets and resource seeking, whereas efficiency seeking and strategic asset seeking are significant motivators in the advanced stages of internationalization. However, our results with respect to Polish cross-border acquisitions by service companies and greenfield foreign direct investments by industrial or manufacturing companies did not confirm the evolutionary model findings. We found evidence that, in both cases, investments are motivated by the need for efficiency or strategic assets. 相似文献
86.
随着税费改革的完成,农村追入後农业税收时代。大多数乡镇基层政府陷入“财空、责大、权小”的治理困境,其提供公共服务能力追一步弱化。因此,如何克服国家制度的有限性,发挥体制外精英提供公共服务的积极性,成了我们研究的课题。汕头市C村农村公共服务的成功做法一政府与社会力量借助社会资本合作互动,增加公共服务供给总量,对其他农村地区公共服务的提升具有借鉴意义。 相似文献
87.
自20世纪90年代初以来,东盟次区域经济合作非常活跃,先后出现了新加坡、马来西亚柔佛和印尼的廖内群岛等组成的"新柔廖增长三角",又被称为"东盟南增长三角";印尼、马来西亚、泰国相邻部分组成的"东盟北增长三角";文莱、印尼、马来西亚和菲律宾相邻部分组成的"东盟东部经济增长区(简称东盟东增长区)"等.这些由东盟各国自愿组成的各种增长三角已成为东盟进行合作的重要形式,促进了东盟各国间经济联系和相互合作,带动了贸易和投资的发展.本文选取东盟区域内最大的、最年轻的东盟东增长区,分析其带动资本流动的效果,探讨其发展成效. 相似文献
88.
89.
认同视角下的土耳其对外政策 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
国家行为由国家利益决定,国家利益源于国家认同。土耳其持有突厥、伊斯兰、西方和外来者等多重身份认同并推崇西方价值观,这些身份认同和观念对土耳其对外政策均发挥不同程度的影响,但西方文明成员和欧洲国家是土耳其的核心身份,整体上决定着土耳其以西方为导向的对外政策,尽管这些身份发生冲突时,国家利益偏好和对外政策导向会受到不同程度的冲击。 相似文献
90.
贾希为 《北京行政学院学报》2011,(6):64-67
《资本论》所揭示的价值规律、生产力发展规律等市场经济运行的一般规律,对今天我们建设中国特色社会主义仍然适用.《资本论》中关于资本运动的逻辑及其所揭示的社会经济发展的一般规律,对于合理调节我国目前收入分配失衡问题具有重要的指导意义. 相似文献