Early epidermal changes in heat- and electrically injured pig skin. I. A light microscopic study

In order to find methods applicable for disclosing electrical torture, pig skin was exposed to heat and electricity under controlled circumstances. Biopsies were obtained immediately after exposure and the morphology of the heat lesions was compared to that of electrical lesions. The cytoplasm of epidermal cells in heat lesions appeared granular or fibrillar, while the nuclei were rather unaffected. In electrical lesions the cytoplasm appeared homogeneous often with a peculiar white colour in hematoxylin-eosin stained sections. The nuclei were either dark and shadowy or enlarged and vesicular. The keratin in electrical lesions often showed a bright yellow colour. Small defects in the epidermis were seen in some electrical lesions. Thus the morphology of electrical lesions differed markedly from that of heat lesions. Although some of these differences may be due to differences in distribution and intensity of energy, it is probable that pH shifts in the cells due to electrolysis is the main cause of the specific morphology of electrical lesions.     

红军长征落脚点的六次选择

红军长征最后落脚陕北并不是长征一开始就确定了的,而是中共中央依据敌我情况的变化和新获得的信息,不断改变建立根据地的原定设想和计划,才一步一步确立的,期间先后至少有过六次更换,才做出最后的选择。     

红军西征与西安事变——纪念红军西征胜利与西安事变70周年

宁夏是红军西征时期的重要地区,毛泽东眼中的宁夏与“宁夏战役”,显示了当时宁夏特殊的地理空间。红军西征与三大主力胜利会师,红军与东北军、西北军之间的联系,山城堡战役的胜利,促成了西安事变,抗日民族统一战线形成。回顾历史,展望未来,红军西征与西安事变,其重大的现实作用和深远的历史影响,依旧昭示着后人。     

A Retrospective Review of Forensic Odontology Reports Written by the Joint POW/MIA Accounting Command Central Identification Laboratory for Remains Identified from the Korean War

As of August 2014, the Joint POW/MIA Accounting Command has identified the remains of 1980 previously unknown U.S. service members; 280 were from the Korean War. To determine the accuracy and completeness of the available antemortem (AM) dental records, a review of the AM/postmortem (AM/PM) dental record comparisons from 233 Forensic Odontology Reports written in support of remains identified from the Korean War was performed. Seventy‐two AM/PM comparisons resulted in exact dental chartings while 161 contained discrepancies which were explainable. Explainable discrepancies include undocumented treatment (103), incorrectly charted third molars as missing (82), differing opinions of specific molars present/missing (20), and erroneous treatment documentation and/or misidentification of teeth present/missing (22, other than molars). Reassessment has revealed varying levels of completeness for our available AM dental records, the need to thoroughly review our computerized comparisons, adjust our comparisons to include molar pattern variations/third molars, and updating our database comparison program.     

湘江战役前后中央红军兵力损失及其原因浅探

长期以来,对红军长征历史上重大历史事件的湘江战役中红军的兵力损失情况多语焉不详。有鉴于此,文章考察了红军长征入桂前后的兵力对比,并且把兵力损失分为直接损失和间接损失两部分来区别考察。关于损失巨大的原因,文章认为,除了左倾错误以外,还有多方面的原因,既有主观方面的,也有客观方面的。     

近二十年来国内学界的东北抗联研究

中国共产党领导的东北抗日联军及其在东北地区开展的对日斗争活动是中国抗战力量的重要组成部分,也是中华民族抗击日本法西斯侵略的坚定意志的体现。长期以来,对于东北抗联的研究是中国学界有关抗战研究的重要课题之一。特别是近二十年以来,相关研究不断拓宽和深入,形成了多个研究较为集中的领域,在长期的研究过程中涌现出了一大批有价值的成果。这些研究成果充分佐证了中国共产党从组织策划,宣传动员到武装斗争等方面领导了东北抗日联军,从而为"中国共产党在抗日战争中发挥了中流砥柱作用"作了有力注脚;同时,东北抗联及广大爱国民众在抵抗日本侵略的斗争中逐步形成了全国抗日民族统一战线的雏形。     

The effects of protracted conflict and displacement on citizen engagement in Northern Uganda

The Acholi region of Uganda was deeply affected by the war between the Lord’s Resistance Army and the Government of Uganda from the late 1980s to 2006. This article presents qualitative case-study research of how citizen engagement evolved during the conflict and period of internal displacement, analysing the mechanisms through which violent conflict affected the sense and practice of citizenship. The findings show that the securitisation of local institutions and the militarisation of the public sphere limited the opportunity for learning the practice of citizenship. In the post-conflict situation, perceptions and behaviours that developed during the conflict period persist among the Acholi. Finally, the experience of protracted conflict has a negative impact on a sense of citizenship, which weakens the confidence of the Acholi people to engage with the state. With practices of citizenship limited by inexperience and a sense of citizenship that is characterised by alienation, the Acholi find it difficult to hold state actors to account. This demonstrates the need for a clear understanding of the continued fragility of citizenship after violent conflict.     

缅甸日据时期“缅克冲突”探析

缅甸日据时期,缅族、克伦族发生多次冲突,其原因除缅族、克伦族历史传统因素外,还有历史上英国"分而治之"政策留下的"后遗症",以及日本侵略者出于自身利益的推波助澜。两族在冲突解决上也截然不一。克伦族对冲突采取"暴力对抗"与"和平谈判"两种不同的解决方式,分别导致了大相径庭的结果。缅族领导对冲突处理不够细致、深入,为建国初期克伦族叛乱埋下了伏笔。     

Educating Young Radicals: Shanghai University, 1922-1927*

Abstract

The development of the vernacular language during the New Culture Movement was only intended as a transitional stage to the goal of abolishing the Chinese language. Intellectuals such as Qian Xuantong, Lu Xun, Hu Shi, and Chen Duxiu all advocated to varying degrees the Romanization, Latinization, and abolition of the Chinese language. Chen Yinke, however, argued that the adoption of a Europeanized grammatical structure, and the borrowing of neologisms from abroad, such as Japan, altered the fundamental property of Chinese as an independent language. Reassessing the language reform of the May Fourth today, it is evident that the development of the simplified character, the vernacular language, and the pinyin did not achieve the goal of unifying the spoken and written Chinese. Instead by eliminating the classical language, the language reform removed the ability of the vernacular-speaking masses to create a literature of the written words.     

The Ulster Defence Regiment and the Question of Catholic Recruitment, 1970–1972

This article aims to consider the factors which led to a serious under-representation of Catholics within the Ulster Defence Regiment (UDR) during the Northern Ireland “Troubles.” A considerable number of UDR members were implicated in collusion with loyalist paramilitaries in their targeting of Catholic civilians throughout the conflict. Further, neither the British political nor military establishment made any significant moves towards addressing Catholic grievances regarding the UDR during the crucially formative years of 1970–1972. Despite this, Catholic under-representation has often been discussed with sole or particular reference to Republican paramilitary targeting of Catholic members of the force; this is in order to dissuade any further such involvement on the part of this demographic. The validity of such assertions will be examined in this article, along with a number of other factors which have been hitherto largely underplayed or outright ignored as contributing to this under-representation.