进攻性现实主义与布什政府对朝政策研究现状述评

本文就进攻性现实主义与布什政府对朝政策研究的目的及意义、国内研究现状进行梳理、阐释和评述,认为美国的外交政策是各派的折中产物,都是基于美国的国家利益和对世界局势的综合考虑。进攻性现实主义与美国保守派占上风的布什政府的外交理念相吻合,是“为永葆美国强权开药方”,是布什政府对朝政策的重要理论来源。其研究具有重要的理论和实践价值及自身特点,应在理论与实际“结合”上下工夫。理论与政策实务的结合,理论抑或政策的研究的连续性和整体性以及整体性研究与细节考察等方面是今后进一步研究的空间。     

多头带绦虫六钩蚴Tm45W基因的克隆表达与免疫原性分析

为分析多头带绦虫Tm45W重组蛋白的免疫原性,利用RT-PCR技术首次从激活的多头带绦虫六钩蚴中扩增出多头带绦虫Tm45W基因。将扩增产物重组于原核表达载体pET32a(+)中,构建pET32a-Tm45W表达载体,转化至大肠杆菌BL21(DE3)中,经IPTG诱导表达融合蛋白;表达产物进行SDS-PAGE和Western-blot分析后,将纯化的Tm45W重组蛋白免疫小鼠,用ELISA检测其血清抗体。结果显示,Tm45W基因全长为813bp,其开放阅读框为765bp,编码255个氨基酸,与多头带绦虫新疆株多头蚴45m基因(序列号:EU326106)的部分序列同源性为90.60%;表达的重组蛋白大小为45ku,与脑多头蚴病羊血清的免疫印迹分析呈阳性反应;小鼠免疫后第1周血清中即可检测到抗Tm45W蛋白的特异性抗体,并于免疫后第35天达到高峰。结果表明Tm45W重组蛋白具有较好的反应活性,能引起机体较强的体液免疫反应。     

I don't Agree with Nick: Retrodicting the Conservative–Liberal Democrat Coalition

Insider and journalistic accounts of the formation in May 2010 of the Conservative‐Liberal Democrat coalition actually, although not explicitly, rely on types of explanation familiar to those who study politics. They tell us that structure (or at least the economy) was important. So too, they suggest, were institutions (timing and the rules of the game). They also stress the importance of contingency (‘events, dear boy, events’) and agency (who did and said what to whom). While none of these things were unimportant, they only served to make certain an outcome that anyone with a passing acquaintance with the theory and the practice of coalition formation would have predicted—namely a ‘minimum winning coalition’. The only thing that could have made that outcome uncertain was a fundamental ideological difference between the two parties involved; however, it quickly became apparent—to the surprise of those of us who failed to appreciate how much the Liberal Democrats had changed—that no such difference existed. Indeed, it is possible to argue that the coalition formed was not merely minimum winning but ‘minimum connected winning’. As such, its formation was not so much breathtakingly bold and exciting as pretty much inevitable. In the end, the maths and the physics mattered more than the chemistry. Fortunately for the Conservatives, the Liberal Democrats seriously underplayed their hand in the negotiations, with possibly disastrous consequences for them in the long term.     

Philosophy and the History of Art

Abstract

Schelling’s philosophy of art between 1801 and 1807 can be defined as metaphysics of art. The object of that metaphysics is to deploy the absolute as the being of art and of the arts. Schelling has been criticized on the basis that this metaphysics of art represses the infinite diversity of existing works of art, while overlooking concrete aesthetic experience. Based on Schelling’s definition of the “philosophical construction” of art as an inseparably speculative and historical construction, the aim of this paper is to challenge such assertions. It will show that “historical construction” has to be understood in a twofold manner: first, as a transcendental history of the absolute’s artistic individuation and second, as a cultural history of both the ancient and modern worlds of art. Working within this twofold setting the paper argues that Schelling’s systematic approach, while exhibiting a unifying force, still remains open to the otherness of the real.     

The 2000 American Presidential Election

Abstract

The 2000 Presidential election was one of the longest, most expensive and closest in American history. It was the Presidential election that exposed the flaws (or genius) of the electoral college system, demonstrated the imperfections of media dependency on exit polls and quick election calling, and showed how a third party candidate with just two percent of the popular vote could make the difference in the crucial state of Florida. Democrats lost states they should have won; Republicans lost every big city and most of their suburbs; and the Florida election came down to a five-to-four muddled decision by the Supreme Court. Americans collectively learned a great civics lesson: that even in a bitter, controversial contest, our candidates accept defeat graciously; the simple act of voting is not so simple; and that for all its shortcomings, the electoral college did work.     

“东方主义”的另一种解读——艺术的东方主义

爱德华.W.萨义德(Edward.w.Said)于20世纪末阐发的东方主义理论作为后殖民主义文化批评理论之一引发了东西方学者的共鸣,因而风靡世界。在这一理论热潮的背景下,不免会出现套用或者误用的嫌疑,生搬硬套地阐释某一具体文本或作家的现象;或者出现以偏概全,完全被东方主义理论而障目,不见更丰富的文本含义等现象。为此,有必要阐明萨义德东方主义理论的缘起,从而明确"东方主义"理论具体的使用语境;通过对西方唯美主义思潮中表现出来的"日本风"等文学文化现象的解析,从另一个角度来阐释"东方主义"的丰富内涵;对唯美主义者追求的东方艺术与萨义德的东方主义理论进行比较研究,从而为同行们提供一个新的视角来理解唯美主义乃至东方主义。     

Strategisches Wählen bei der Nachwahl in Dresden zur Bundestagswahl 2005

During the German federal elections in 2005 one peculiarity occurred which had considerable consequences. Due to the death of a district candidate in Dresden, there was a by-election in this district two weeks after the regular date. As a consequence, the electors in Dresden already knew the election results in the rest of Germany, when they cast their votes. This circumstance offered many of them a golden opportunity to vote strategically. This article proves that they indeed seized this chance and discusses the legal consequences and theoretical implications of that evidence.     

4种香茶菜属植物微性状特征研究

目的 研究香茶菜及同属植物微性状鉴别特征。方法 采用500万像素电子摄像目镜,应用景深合成技术合成微性状鉴别图片,观察4种香茶菜属植物的新鲜及干燥叶片的微性状特征。结果 在叶尖突起程度、毛茸的长短与分布方面,4种香茶菜属植物叶片的微性状有明显不同：岐伞香茶菜和显脉香茶菜密被较长毛茸,叶尖极度突起或明显突起;香茶菜和大萼香茶菜稀被较短毛茸,毛茸多分布在叶脉、叶缘,叶尖微凹或突起。结论 微性状鉴别方法简便,可以区别香茶菜属不同植物。     

Gender Mainstreaming Strategies in the E.U.: Delivering on an Agenda?

Recent years have witnessed the emergence of anew policy style within the E.U., characterized by voluntary policy transfer between member states and soft policy instruments including exchange of best practice, targets, benchmarking and national league tables. This article examines how these methods have been used by gender mainstreaming advocates and evaluates the impact of this strategy to-date upon E.U. policy-making procedures and outputs. It is argued that mainstreaming has provided new opportunities for feminists to influence the E.U. policy agenda, but that the impact of mainstreaming varies between sectors and member states. The concluding section considers the implications of E.U. mainstreaming from the perspective of the European Women's Lobby(E.W.L.). This discussion highlights the potential opportunities and risks for feminists of mainstreaming. This revised version was published online in July 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date.     

Why is the European Left Losing Elections?The Political Quarterly Annual Lecture

The argument of this lecture speaks directly to the history of The Political Quarterly and the London School of Economics. It is that the European left is losing elections on an unprecedented scale because it has lost control of the political agenda to a newly flexible right; but it is also losing key arguments about how to nurture human values in today's connected and competitive global village because it has not responded to changes in economy and society; and that to turn things round it needs to address both its deficit in ideas and organisation.