Coming to Terms with Separatist Insurgencies

Although insurgencies may begin their rebellions with expressed desires for outcomes unacceptable to opposing governments, the desired insurgent outcomes sometimes undergo modification, creating conditions that can make governments more amenable to external mediation. In certain separatist conflicts, the likelihood of external mediation increases when the political redefinition of the state insisted upon by the insurgents undergoes a revision, from secession to self‐determination, understood as a variant of autonomy. In the same vein, although it may not happen concurrently, insurgent movements become more amenable to external mediation if and when opposing governments revise the preferred conflict outcome from a military defeat of the insurgents to a containment of the movement. These two developments can serve as objective referents helping external parties to identify a ripe moment in the conflict and initiate mediation. But the implementation of an agreement ending separatist conflict may not occur if the government fails to submit the proposed territorial bounds of autonomy to prior review by constituents. Potential spoilers among government constituents should be identified and recruited to participate in the negotiations so that the likelihood of agreement rejection is reduced. In some states, however, the legal mechanisms and political opportunities for constituents to act as spoilers do not exist.     

中国—东盟自由贸易区的人才培养现状与对策——兼谈面向中国—东盟自由贸易区的广西人才建设

中国-东盟自由贸易区将于2010年1月1日如期建成,加强自由贸易区人才资源开发领域的交流与合作成为加快自由贸易区建设、促进自由贸易区发展繁荣的重要内容。研究如何将广西对东盟的地缘优势转化为人才优势对提高广西在中国-东盟自由贸易区的地位和作用具有重要意义。     

Online platforms and pricing: Adapting abuse of dominance assessments to the economic reality of free products

Online platforms, which are at the forefront of today's economy, are subject to intensive competition law enforcement. However, the platform business model presents challenges for the application of competition law. Most notably, they appear to offer consumers a great number of their products for free. The explanation for most of these supposedly free products is offered by two-sided market theory: consumers may not be paying, but the ‘other’ side of the market is. This other side of the market often consists of advertisers, which pay the platform for access to the consumers’ information (to target advertisements) and attention (to show the advertisements). As many of these platforms are now potentially dominant, they come within the scope of competition law's abuse of dominance provision, including the doctrines of predatory and excessive pricing. These price-based theories need to adapt to the often price-less platform business model in order to prevent competition authorities from making both type I and type II enforcement errors. At the same time, competition law enforcement needs to consider—and at times give priority to—other branches of law that address abusive behaviour concerning free products. Through the use of case studies, this article therefore suggests ways in which abuse of dominance assessments can take into account the economic reality of free products.     

印尼亚齐民族分离运动的原因及特点探讨(1966-2003)

印尼的亚齐有长期的反抗强权史、鲜明的民族文化特色和独特的社会结构.亚齐分离运动既是中央与地方利益分配不均的结果,又是印尼的世俗化政治与伊斯兰政治矛盾的结果,同时还是亚齐民族意识在全球化时代背景下得以复兴的表现.本文拟对诸方面进行综合性探讨,进而总结出这一运动的特点.     

从白小保校运动看马来西亚华人的政治参与形态

马来西亚华人有着积极的政治参与的传统,近些年来更是利用各种途径来最大限度地表达与维护其利益.2001年来持续四年的白小保校运动主要通过政治选举、政治结社、政治表达、政治接触等方式来维护子女接受母语教育、文化传承的权利.这一典型事例体现了马来西亚华人政治参与的基本模式.     

地方性自由贸易协议

90年代以来 ,很多国家相继缔结了区域贸易协议 ,东亚地区最近也开始摸索建立FTA。但日韩之间的FTA ,因农水产品和贸易不均衡等方面的原因仍无进展。为此 ,可先缔结阻碍因素较少的“地方性FTA” ,然后逐渐扩大 ,建立日、中、韩 3国间的地方性FTA ,也就是“环黄海自由贸易地区” ,使该地区的经济联系更加紧密 ,并保证该地区的和平与安定。     

Who's flying the plane: serotonin levels, aggression and free will

The present paper addresses the philosophical problem raised by current causal neurochemical models of impulsive violence and aggression: to what extent can we hold violent criminal offenders responsible for their conduct if that conduct is the result of deterministic biochemical processes in the brain. This question is currently receiving a great deal of attention among neuroscientists, legal scholars and philosophers. We examine our current knowledge of neuroscience to assess the possible roles of deterministic factors which induce impulsive aggression, and the extent to which this behavior can be controlled by neural conditioning mechanisms. Neural conditioning mechanisms, we suggest, may underlie what we consider the basis of responsible (though not necessarily moral) behavior: the capacity to give and take reasons. The models we first examine are based in part upon the role played by the neurotransmitter, serotonin, in the regulation of violence and aggression. Collectively, these results would appear to argue in favor of the view that low brain serotonin levels induce impulsive aggression which overrides mechanisms related to rational decision making processes. We next present an account of responsibility as based on the capacity to exercise a certain kind of reason-responsive control over one's conduct. The problem with such accounts of responsibility, however, is that they fail to specify a neurobiological realization of such mechanisms of control. We present a neurobiological, and weakly determinist, framework for understanding how persons can exercise guidance control over their conduct. This framework is based upon classical conditioning of neurons in the prefrontal cortex that allow for a decision making mechanism that provides for prefrontal cortical control of the sites in the brain which express aggressive behavior that include the hypothalamus and midbrain periaqueductal gray. The authors support the view that, in many circumstances, neural conditioning mechanisms provide the basis for the control of human aggression in spite of the presence of brain serotonin levels that might otherwise favor the expression of impulsive aggressive behavior. Indeed if those neural conditioning mechanisms underlie the human capacity to exercise control, they may be the neural realization of reason-responsiveness generally.     

村庄公共品供给中的“好混混”

1990年代以后,两湖平原村庄中出现了好混混。好混混的出现源于村庄公共品供给的困境。乡村组织难以抑制公共品供给中的搭便车行为,村庄公共品合作常常因此难以达成。好混混则可以依靠暴力和暴力威胁遏制搭便车行为,维系村庄公共品合作和供给,他们的好由此体现出来。取消农业税后,乡村组织的公共品供给能力更加弱化,农民因此对好混混的需求更甚。好混混这一怪异现象,反映了国家权力在基层社会存在局部不足。     

新文化运动中对贞节观的理论批判

古老的贞节观念影响、控制中国女性几千年,甚至深入到社会的各个角落.它不仅仅是一种社会意识,更形成了评价女性的价值尺度、道德体系中最基本的内容.新文化运动以其巨大的冲击力摧枯拉朽地破坏着传统旧中国的封建传统,其中就包括清算古老贞节观念的内容.先觉者们办刊物,发文章,打破了性禁忌的坚冰,从理论上批判贞节观的腐朽,并大力提倡新的婚姻道德和性道德,使这笼罩在中国女性身上的巨大黑影终于开始慢慢消褪,不再面目沉重狰狞.当然,要彻底解决此问题毕竟还需假以时日,不能企望毕其功于一役,但新文化运动对贞节观念的祛魅之功是怎样估量都不过分的.     

试论日据时期的台籍日本兵——皇民化运动负面影响之再探讨

皇民化运动时期,一部分台湾人作为台籍日本兵被强征进入日本军队,这些人既有被迫及无奈而参加的,也有小部分是志愿加入的,但此中志愿包含殖民统治高压下心灵扭曲的背景。至于极少数受殖民主义、军国主义毒害者,则应予以揭露。台籍日本兵的历史告诉人们,皇民化运动确曾给台湾社会带来了一定的负面影响,但同时也不必过高估计这种影响。