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111.
中国现行法律深受德国法的影响,将中国和德国的立法进行比较有一定的现实意义。两国在刑事立法中对中止犯成立的时间范围、中止犯的立法类型、共同犯罪的中止、中止犯的刑事责任等四个方面的规定均有不同。德国刑法对中止犯的合理性规定值得我国立法参考与借鉴。  相似文献   
112.
In 1953, the US government threatened to undertake an 'agonizing reappraisal' of its commitment to European security if the rearmament of West Germany through the European Defence Community (EDC) came to nothing. Although many in Europe dismissed the threat as a bluff, the British government, and Foreign Secretary Anthony Eden in particular, took it extremely seriously. In September 1954, following the demise of the EDC, the British broke with long-standing tradition and pledged to retain military forces in Germany at a set level for as long as their European allies so desired. This was Britain's own 'agonizing reappraisal', undertaken at Eden's prompting to neutralise the danger of the United States implementing its own version.  相似文献   
113.
In this article it is endeavoured to analyse the different functioning of “decentralised” (Switzerland) and “unitary” (Germany) federalism. This is done by discussing the cultural and political autonomy of member states, the possibilities of member states to control and influence federal decision‐making, the ways to implement federal legislation, and the redistribution of resources. There are, despite of “equi‐functional” structures, considerable similarities in the functioning of both countries. The predominance of a completely different discourse of justification in both countries explains the institutional and procedural differences and thus the different reform projects.  相似文献   
114.
早期罗马法上的居住权制度已被后世两大法系演进为现代收益性居住权,集合物权、人权、民生权等多项权利基因,且在当下通过诉诸法院而表达出来,经由法院裁判生成一种新型权利。鉴于其权利结构具有融合性,能够有效融入我国《物权法》体系,故当以私法意义上的用益物权属性为权利基础,形成以《物权法》为核心的权利架构,明确居住权的主体与客体、权利与义务、变动与终止,以保障其权利的可诉性与规范的可操作性,拓宽居住权保护的救济路径,以实现居住权的法律保护。  相似文献   
115.
Approaches and instruments focused on market mechanisms and private enterprises, including private protected areas, are promoted as ways to resolve global environmental and developmental problems. In Indonesia, Ecosystem Restoration Concessions (ERCs) have been developed as a new market-oriented governmental instrument to counter current deforestation processes and to restore forest ecosystems. Conservation and development organizations, along with state authorities, view ERCs as a highly promising instrument in Indonesia and in other countries as well. Experiences with ERCs are still limited, however, and their viability is uncertain. The implementation of ERCs in Indonesia has been controversial and the impact of ERCs on forests and forest-dependent communities has been fiercely disputed. This article explores these conflicts and disputes with a focus on the Harapan ERC and weighs the relevance of ERCs for German development cooperation. The improvement of the accountability of such projects and the implementation of mediation facilities are emphasized as prerequisites to establishing such market-oriented instruments according to international standards of nature conservation, the rights of indigenous and local populations, and sustainable development. The author concludes that decisions about strategies and instruments applied in forest-related development cooperation must involve a reconsideration of the mindsets that currently determine conservation approaches and development cooperation.  相似文献   
116.
公务员素质和能力是行政管理中的一个关键性因素,而素质和能力又取决于教育和培训。如何充分发挥教育的效能,如何提高公务员的能力,是公务员教育和培训的重要课题。本集中讨论了德国公务员的教育培训制度,介绍和分析了德国公务员的职前教育和职后培训的基本做法,为我国公务员的教育和管理提供了一定的借鉴。  相似文献   
117.
人格与主体资格及主体身份密切相关,人格权乃重要的主体权利。罗马法虽然没有人格权之说,但有人格权之内容,且对后来的民法典产生很大影响,尤其对《法国民法典》影响巨大。《法国民法典》在理性主义和自由主义的影响下采取了整体的人格权观点,法典在立法技术上采取概括的人格权保护方式;随社会的发展,新的人格权能不断被吸纳进去,故未产生一般人格权制度。而《德国民法典》受实证主义和康德伦理人格主义哲学的影响,坚信法定人格权观点,法典采取列举式人格权保护,在后来的发展中显现出明显的不足。其后,在法理学的发展下,借助判例确立了一般人格权制度,且对德国族民法典产生了一定影响。其他一些国家的民法典也对一般人格权制度的形成起了一定作用。人格权立法模式的发展变化将为我国民商立法带来一些启示,不仅可以增强我国确立该制度的主动性,而且从立法技巧上,可以将传统人格权置于人身权之中,在我国《民法通则》规定的人身权制度的基础上建立起具有中国特色的人格权制度。  相似文献   
118.
隐私权是现代社会最为重要的新兴基本人权之一,而德国是欧陆法系中对隐私权立法保护较为先进的国家,并且拥有细致完善的隐私权刑法保护规范体系。对德国隐私权刑法保护进行研究,关注其刑事立法发展动向,将会为中国隐私权刑法保护立法提供可资借鉴的理论经验。  相似文献   
119.
This article analyses the dramatic electoral decline of German social democracy since 2003. It argues that the SPD's decision, under the leadership of former Chancellor Gerhard Schröder, to engage in welfare state retrenchment and labour market deregulation during the ‘Hartz reforms’ (2003–05) demoralised the SPD electorate. The SPD subsequently lost half of its former electoral coalition, namely blue‐collar voters and socially disadvantaged groups, while efforts to gain access to centrist and middle‐class voters have failed to produce any compensating gains. While the SPD's decline from a large to a mid‐sized party is part of a larger transformation of the German party system, no political recovery is possible for social democracy without a fundamental change of strategy, namely efforts to regain former voters by offering credible social welfare and redistributive policies. The SPD will not be able to delegate such policies in a ‘convoy model’ to other parties, such as the Left Party; nor will a modest ‘correction’ of the earlier course, such as has been attempted since 2009 under the leadership of current party chairman Sigmar Gabriel, be sufficient to recover lost electoral ground.  相似文献   
120.
Often lacking parties with a corresponding profile, citizens with economically left and culturally authoritarian, or nationalist, policy orientations face a trade-off between congruence on economic and on cultural issues. How such left-authoritarian voters resolve this trade-off depends on which issues are more salient to them, previous research argues. We extend this line of research by considering the role of (mis-)perceived party positions. Using a survey in the context of the 2017 German election, we show how perceived congruence and issue importance interactively shape the left-authoritarian vote. Our findings indicate that many left-authoritarians vote for a party simply because they misperceive it to hold a congruent left-authoritarian position. In this case, issue importance matters little. Yet when voters are aware that parties match their position on only one dimension, vote choices are shaped by whether they care most about the economy or immigration. We discuss several implications.  相似文献   
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