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51.
论文化哲学的可能性 总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0
黄力之 《上海行政学院学报》2005,6(1):4-14
文化哲学是哲学在20世纪的重要发展成果,但文化哲学到底只是哲学的分支还是一种新的哲学理念及模式呢?本文通过对哲学史、世界的现代性问题以及当下人们对文化哲学的认识三方面的考察,认为文化哲学是适应当今时代需要的一种新的哲学理念及模式,积极稳妥地建构文化哲学是非常必要的。 相似文献
52.
《今日中国(英文版)》2014,(12):18-20
正COMPILED by China’s State Council Information Office,the Party Literature Research Office of the CPC Central Committee and China International Publishing Group,Xi Jinping:The Governance of China,published by the 相似文献
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54.
This article contributes to the debate on convergence/divergence of public management reforms toward the new public management (NPM) paradigm by analyzing the internal control systems (ICSs) in Germany and Italy. Specifically, the study describes the ICS established at the normative level in German and Italian municipalities and evaluates the extent of the decisional convergence to NPM, using the INTOSAI guidelines. Although similarities between the two ICSs and the INTOSAI guidelines emerged, decisional convergence is not demonstrated. Instead, these countries seem to converge to a Neo-Weberian reform pattern since they are cautious in the introduction of new managerial tools and they maintain their domestic original ICS. 相似文献
55.
徐庭祥 《西南政法大学学报》2013,15(2):39-48
我国行政法不具有规范私人承担行政任务的功能。德国和法国都将私人承担行政任务纳入了行政法的规范,但两国基于不同的法哲学立场采取了不同的规范模式。比较德国主观主义模式和法国客观主义模式,综合考虑两种模式的功能完善程度和对我国的适应程度,我国应选择在安定性和合目的性之间予以调和的相对主义模式。 相似文献
56.
Roland Spickermann 《Nationalities Papers》2013,41(6):925-939
Discussions about ethnic mobilization in eastern Europe have emphasized efforts of nationalist leaders to demarcate their community from their neighbors in mixed areas where ethnic boundaries and identities were blurred. Demarcation became a common means of defining the community both geographically and culturally, a process which later facilitated the community's mobilization. In the German Empire, however, the Polish–German demarcation was already stark, since it mostly coincided with Catholic–Protestant demarcations. But while the Polish community mobilized quickly and showed great solidarity, the German community did not. Using the Bromberg/Bydgoszcz administrative district as a model, the article argues that the local German community's internal divisions limited its ability to mobilize. Germans agreed on the need for greater German community solidarity, but differed on conceptualizations of its ideal structure and form. Liberal nationalists, envisioning a more egalitarian community defined by a common ethnicity, fought with local conservatives, who were as intent on preserving their prominence within the community as they were on struggling with the Poles. Such divisions crippled local German mobilization on any scale comparable to their Polish neighbors, suggesting that an ethnic community's self-demarcation is necessary but not sufficient to ensure its mobilization. 相似文献
57.
Annika Frieberg 《Nationalities Papers》2013,41(2):213-226
This article investigates a legacy of transnational activism in Polish–West German relations during the 1950s and 1960s, connected to the borderlands/expellee background of several of the early activists who initiated the relations. At a time when the Polish and West German states maintained no official diplomatic relations with each other, the importance of non-state initiatives and dialogue breaking with the antagonistic nationalism of the two world wars grew disproportionately. These individuals' expellee background, bilingualism, cross-border networks and loosened national identities contributed to their effectiveness in Polish–German relations. Taking exception to the popular conceptions of expellees as necessarily identical with the negative or anti-Polish opinions commonly associated with the expellee organizations, the article also focuses specifically on how certain expellees and former borderlands inhabitants attempted to renegotiate their postwar roles, political stances and even identities by associating themselves with Polish–German relations. They challenged the dualistic and polarizing nature of media discussions about German expellees in politics. In addition, the article and these individuals pose a challenge to international relations/conflict resolution research to look to cross-border communities as key elements in postwar/post-genocide dialogues. 相似文献
58.
Hanns W. Maull 《German politics》2013,22(2):1-3
In the Kosovo crisis, Germany for the first time since 1955 joined NATO military combat operations in a major way. While this has often been interpreted as a fundamental major departure ('normalisation') in Germany's post‐war foreign policy, this article argues that Germany's willingness to contemplate joining a NATO war even without a mandate by the UN Security Council represents an evolution, rather than a fundamental change in Germany's foreign policy orientation. This evolution can be explained best as a logical and consistent response of Germany's foreign policy identity which reconciled, through modification, its traditional post war foreign policy identity as a ‘civilian power’ to a radically different security environment. 相似文献
59.
德国在可再生能源促进方面形成了较完整的法律体系,其中《可再生能源优先法》是德国可再生能源法律体系中最重要的法案。自2000年获得通过以来,经历数次修改,2009年通过的《可再生能源法》修订案在法律体系、立法目的等各方面都有较大的调整。德国可再生能源促进法律具有重视法律规范的科学性、法律主体权利义务明确、注重运用市场经济手段三个特征,对我国可再生能源法的完善有一定的借鉴意义。 相似文献
60.
Tatjana Hörnle 《Criminal Law and Philosophy》2009,3(2):111-131
The article examines whether state officials may shoot down a hijacked airplane which carries uninvolved passengers, if it is known that the plane will be used against the lives of other human beings. In its first sections, it explains the German Federal Constitutional Court’s verdict against such a permission, and it scrutinizes the crucial arguments in this ruling (restrictions on the use of military weapons; human dignity arguments). The author then extends the discussion beyond the path taken by the court. She examines the defensive claims of passengers aboard the plane and the protective claims of potential victims who are present at the hijackers’ target zone. In contrast to the German Federal Constitutional Court, she concludes that state officials must take the claims of both groups of potential victims equally serious, and that such conditions allow applying a consequentialist calculus (“save the greater number”) because it is the only way out of a genuine dilemma. 相似文献