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91.
The semicentennial anniversary in 2017 of the 1967 Middle East War is an occasion to reflect on the impact of a war that brought dramatic changes to the Middle East and beyond. One of the ramifications of the Israeli victory in 1967 was the growing criticism of the Jewish state among the European Left—a movement that held largely positive attitudes regarding Israel up until the so-called Six Day War. These shifting sentiments also affected the relations between the Jewish State and the emerging “New Left” of the young Federal Republic of Germany—a country that would become one of Israel’s most important allies. This article examines the relationship between the German Left and Israel over five decades. It proceeds chronologically by tracing the shifting view toward Israel occasioned by the 1967 war, before examining the evolution of that relationship to the current era. We conclude with a discussion of the drivers behind the complex and uneven relationship, and we argue that these sentiments are closely connected to perceptions of self-identity among members of the German Left. 相似文献
92.
Pietro Marzo 《中东研究》2019,55(4):621-637
This article focuses on a specific aspect of the international context surrounding the Tunisian transition to democracy. Through the case of the German political foundations in Tunisia, this study argues that the country’s journey to democracy has not been an exclusively domestic affair, but has also been the product of the engagement of international actors and their interplay with domestic groups. Building on evidence from semi-structured interviews and data triangulation the article shows that since the late 1980s four German political foundations operating in Tunisia created platforms for ‘political debate’ – alternative to the regime’s but not subversive – and encouraged political training. The article posits that initially the German political foundations helped Ben Ali’s regime in the making of a ‘façade liberalisation’, while in the long run their activities generated unintended consequences that in part undermined its ‘authoritarianism upgraded’. The article demonstrates that their longstanding presence on the ground allowed the German political foundations to develop patterns of trust with and between political and civil groups, ultimately improving the capacity of their action after the revolution. 相似文献
93.
Benjamin C. Sack 《Democratization》2017,24(3):444-462
Theories of socialization and political culture claim that public ideas about how a democracy should be shaped will only change slowly after regime changes. Thus, citizens’ value orientations should converge after a replacement of generations and through institutional learning. Pertaining to the development and convergence of individual conceptions of democracy or democratic value orientations, these assumptions have not yet been tested empirically. This article therefore provides an empirical test, drawing on the case of German reunification as a natural experiment. I analyse the development of democratic value orientations based on data from the sixth wave of the European Social Survey using both factor and cohort analysis. The findings provide strong support for the assumptions of socialization theories: More than 20 years after reunification, people who grew up in East Germany still show a higher affiliation to a socialist model of democracy than people socialized in the West, who instead show higher support for a liberal model. However, differences in democratic value orientations are converging for citizens less than 30 years of age across Germany, the first generation socialized entirely in a democratic political system. 相似文献
94.
Between 1904 and 1908, German colonialists in German South West Africa (GSWA, known today as Namibia) committed genocide and
other international crimes against two indigenous groups, the Herero and the Nama. From the late 1990s, the Herero have sought
reparations from the German government and several German corporations for what occurred more than a hundred years ago. This
article examines and contextualizes the issues concerning reparations for historical human rights claims. It describes and
analyzes the events in GSWA at the time. It further explores whether international humanitarian law and international human
rights law today permit reparatations to be obtained. The article therefore examines the origins of international criminal
law, as well as international human rights and humanitarian law, to determine whether what occurred then were violations of
the law already in force. Finally, the article examines and evaluates the Herero reparations cases, as well as the potential
impact of the cases on the wider reparations movement that sees an increasing number of claims for events that occurred during
colonial times.
相似文献
Jeremy SarkinEmail: |
95.
Olga Zeveleva 《Nationalities Papers》2013,41(5):808-827
This paper is based on a study which compares repatriation policies of Germany, Russia, and Kazakhstan. The choice of cases is based on a “most similar case design.” The Russian case results in unsuccessful and unsustainable repatriation, the German case exhibits a change from sustainable repatriation to a slow termination of the program, while the case of Kazakhstan is one of sustainable and relatively successful repatriation. The main argument of the paper is that in order for a repatriation program to be sustainable, the program must contain both a practical component and an ideological component. If a repatriation program lacks ideological backing which permeates other aspects of political life in a state, then the repatriation program grinds to a halt. If a repatriation program has ideological backing, but is rendered impractical and does not meet the economic, demographic and labor market needs of a state, then the further development of the program stops. The findings of this study merit further reflection on issues of changing national identities, on transnational migration pathways, and on the “post-Soviet condition” which has set the stage for all of the aforementioned processes and transformations. 相似文献
96.
97.
德国是世界上最早实践循环经济的国家,也是全球循环经济发展水平最高的国家之一。其成效主要表现在:构建起较完整的循环经济产业链,形成了较为全面的循环经济体系,基本走上了可持续发展道路。考察德国发展循环经济的经验主要有:强化法律约束,制订了发展循环经济的制度规范;强化全民的环保意识;注重监督和服务并举,以规划为先导,重视发挥市场主导作用和技术体系建设等。作为中国"欠发达、后发展"的西部地区,应借鉴德国的成功经验,以发展循环经济为抓手,促进新一轮西部大开发战略的深入实施。 相似文献
98.
99.
Jo Eric Khushal Murkens 《The Modern law review》2007,70(5):731-758
The relationship between the national and the European legal orders is affected by the way it is theorised by the national constitutional traditions. This article will explore the opposing constitutional assumptions in Germany that underlie two interpretations of what in Anglo-Saxon countries is known as constitutional law: Staatsrecht and Verfassungsrecht. The two contending visions are generated from different conceptions of the European Union and, especially, the state. The origins of the German constitutional traditions will be historically reconstructed. Although Staatsrecht has historically offered the dominant interpretation of public law, Verfassungsrecht has 'de-mystified' the state. To continue to offer a coherent interpretation Staatsrecht need not abandon the state as its central concept, but will need to re-examine the content of the concept in light of modern forms of constitutionalism and European integration. 相似文献
100.
德、日刑法定罪模式与刑法机能的实现 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
定罪机制是刑法与社会联为一体的中介 ,是刑法机能实现的重要途径。德、日刑法定罪模式是一种构成要件论的定罪模式 ,只有顺次通过构成要件该当性、违法性、有责性三重判断的行为才能认定为犯罪行为 ,保障了被告人及其他人的自由 ;同时 ,在构成要件该当性、违法性、有责性的判断过程中 ,通过有意识地放弃刑法干预特定领域内的行为的方式 ,保护了社会的进步和发展。促进刑法人权保障机能的实现是德、日刑法定罪模式促进刑法机能实现的主流 相似文献