Compartmentalized ideology and nation-building in non-democratic states

What are the mechanisms of legitimation in non-democratic and linguistically divided states? How do regimes in these states use and manipulate the ideology and nation-building for the purposes of regime legitimation? The article focuses on the concept of compartmentalized ideology in non-democratic regimes with substantial divisions in the so-called titular and minority group where socio-linguistic divide allows regimes to construct diverse audiences and even political communities with their own distinct narratives and discourses about the nation, state and the regime. The compartmentalized ideology is only sustainable under the conditions of the regime's power to control and facilitate these discourses through the system of authoritative presidential addresses to the nation and/or other forms of regime's communication with the polity. The shifting of these discourses and themes contribute to the regime stability but also may constitute its re-legitimation.     

Discordant dreams: the spirit of the times in contemporary South Africa

In a time of ferment in the national mood, the large body of literature on the rationale and emotions of specific subgroups in South Africa today invites a synthetic account of ideologies and zeitgeist considered together. It is argued that these phenomena are rooted in material processes and that combinations of these discourses are used by people. Patriarchy, neoliberalism, the ANC state, and Christianity are considered as ideology; the “colonial unconscious” is considered as a structuring principle of the fractured presentation of zeitgeist. This includes the ideological popular discourse of whiteness; a single broad social spirit of blackness, though within this are subclusters of survival, retraditionalization, religion, “insurgent yet dependent citizenship,” and loyal citizenship. The common spirit of democratic South Africa is outlined. Lastly, using Hamilton’s account of “public deliberation,” the extent and location of critical public debate is discussed, and linked to the issue of ressentiment. The implication of these forces for the future is finally considered.     

A voter-centric explanation of the success of ideological candidates for the U.S. house

In recent years, ideological candidates for the U.S. House have become increasingly successful, to the point where their chances of being elected are indistinguishable from moderates. However, scholars have still not uncovered exactly why this is happening. Using survey data from the American National Election Studies, I find that voter-centric explanations of vote choice – a voter's partisanship, ideology, and presidential approval rating – have increasingly predicted their vote choice in U.S. House elections from 1980 to 2016. Using data on candidate ideology, I find that candidate ideology is an increasingly poor predictor of individual vote choice over time. Original experimental data supports these claims, finding only a small electoral advantage for moderates, compared to ideologues of their own party, and evidence suggesting that, at least among Democrats, ideological candidates are rated more favorably than moderates. Taken together, these results suggest that the increased electoral success of ideological candidates can be attributed to changes in voters' decision calculus, rather than structural or candidate-centric explanations.     

American Republican Religion? Disentangling the Causal Link Between Religion and Politics in the US

Recent research in American political behavior has examined at length the link between evangelical Protestants and the Republican Party. These works however do not consider the idiosyncratic nature of religiosity in the US, and insist on treating religion as an ‘unmoved mover’ with respect to political contexts. The question posed herein is: during the participation of religious communities in partisan politics, should we expect politics to eventually constrain religious behavior? Motivated by a political social identity approach, I use American National Election Study panel data and structural equation modeling techniques to explore the untested possibility that religious and political factors are linked through reciprocal causation. Conditional upon religious and temporal context, findings highlight the causal impact of ideology and partisanship in shaping religious behavior.     

Personalized politics: Evidence from the Czech and Slovak Republics

What role do political party leaders play in individual vote choice? Recent literature argues that leaders are increasingly important for decisions at the ballot box. Moreover, scholars suggest leaders may be particularly consequential in volatile, under-institutionalized party systems, like those of Central and Eastern Europe (CEE). Accordingly, we investigate the extent to which leader evaluations matter for individual voting decisions, and whether these evaluations are more consequential than ideological proximities between voters and parties. We also explore whether leaders matter more for leader-centered, ideologically blurry, and populist parties. Through a comparison of the 2017 Czech and 2020 Slovak elections, we find that leader evaluations are strongly associated with voting decisions and that these evaluations tend to be more consequential than ideological proximity. We also show that leaders are more important for parties with strong “brands” – those that have most differentiated themselves from their competitors.     

社会主义社会产生和发展的两种方式与马克思主义意识形态建设——从马克思主义革命理论的产生到科学发展观的形成

社会意识形态在漫长的形成和发展中,往往都经历社会发展的“常态”与“非常态”的发展过程。当代中国社会主义的意识形态建设,无论是从外部资本主义的发展,还是中国内部社会主义的发展来分析,已进入了一个“常态”发展阶段。与19世纪马克思主义产生的外部和内部环境、20世纪社会主义产生和发展的世界环境不同,当代社会主义不仅面对着资本主义的常态化发展,而且面对着自身的常态化发展。社会主义的意识形态建设,必须正视这些方面的“常态”内容,充分吸收这些常态化的制度建设、社会建设的成果,作为意识形态建设的基础和根基。当代中国共产党思想理论建设取得的成果———科学发展观正是以此为基点的建设性收获。     

大学生就业指导课程实效性的调查与探索

就大学生就业指导课程和就业指导状况进行了问卷调查，分析了毕业生择业和高校就业指导工作中存在的问题，对加强就业指导课程的作用和地位进行了探索，从教学方法和教学内容框架上提出了增强就业指导课程实效性的建议。     

深入学习邓小平稳定观 努力做好新时期公安工作

在纪念邓小平同志诞辰100周年的日子里,重温邓小平同志关于维护社会政治稳定的重要论述,对于我们做好新时期公安工作,维护国家安全和社会稳定具有十分重要的现实指导意义和深远的历史意义.     

东盟的国际社会性——一个尝试性的分析

国际社会的内涵在于共同利益、共同观念、共同规则和共同制度.就东盟来说,共同利益多来自外部的刺激和威胁,内部共生利益较少;共同观念主要是行为方式和决策方式的趋同,没有形成真正深入普通民众心中的地区认同意识;共同规则是被东盟各成员国高度认同的,但正受到东盟内外的挑战;由于惩罚性制度缺失,诱导性制度功能不足,东盟的共同制度远不能应付地区危机和国际政治转型的要求.总的来说,东盟的国际社会性是微弱的.     

马克思早期的意识形态批判理论探微

文章首先回溯了马克思早期意识形态理论的形成过程；其次分析了马克思意识形态批判理论的具体内容，从反思层面和实践层面深刻理解马克思对意识形态的批判和超越。