The political phenotype of the disgust sensitive: Correlates of a new abbreviated measure of disgust sensitivity

The fields of political psychology and election studies often live separate lives. One reason has been the difficulty of including long psychological question batteries in the high-quality, representative samples that are the hallmark of election studies. In this study, we examine a novel one-item measure of psychological differences in sensitivity to one particular emotion: disgust. We demonstrate that disgust sensitivity serves as a foundational political difference that colors a very large range of social and political attitudes and behaviors: including ideology, political engagement, reactions towards outgroups, support for government intervention, behavior during a pandemic, and vote choice.     

对社会主义意识形态建设的思考

社会主义意识形态在社会主义现代化建设中具有举足轻重的作用,社会主义意识形态建设问题直接关系着社会主义经济建设乃至社会主义现代化建设。然而,随着生产力的巨大变革,时代和社会发生了深刻的变化、社会主义意识形态领域的斗争依旧长期而艰巨,使社会主义意识形态建设面临着巨大的压力和挑战。为了维护社会主义意识形态的统治地位,发挥其在社会主义现代化建设中的能动作用,我们需要做出多方面努力,搞好社会主义意识形态建设。     

不动产最高额抵押权的变更——兼评指导案例95号

按照指导案例95号,将既有债权转入最高额抵押担保债权范围的,未经登记亦有物权效力,但不得对第三人产生不利影响。该指导案例并非将不动产最高额抵押权变更的模式改变为登记对抗要件主义,而是对概括最高额抵押权之否定立场进行缓和,以便更充分地发挥最高额抵押权的优势。特定债权的转入属于最高额抵押担保的债权范围的变更,其与债权确定期间的变更、债务人基准的变更一样,都不需要后顺位抵押权人等第三人同意,因为不会破坏这类第三人的信赖基础。债权范围的变更遵循实行合同自由原则,其效力与登记无关,只不过当事人不得将非基于正常交易关系产生的债权纳入担保范围,给第三人造成难以预料的损害。这一裁判规则不得类推适用于最高额抵押权的决算期变更、债务人基准变更,为保护不特定第三人对最高额抵押担保债权是否已确定的信赖,这些事项的变更只有在最高额抵押权确定前办理登记,才能产生物权效力。     

The Cold War and Third World revolution

Much of the Cold War took place in the Third World. The three works authored by Gregg A. Brazinsky, Winning the Third World: Sino-American Rivalry During the Cold War; Jeffry James Byrne, Mecca of Revolution: Algeria, Decolonization, and the Third World Order; and Jeremy Friedman, Shadow Cold War: The Sino-Soviet Competition for the Third World, are reviewed here and they provide historical details. A consistent theme that emerges is the importance of ideological factors in driving the events are discussed. It is also clear that the Third World states were not passive objects of pressure from great powers but had agendas of their own. These books provide useful material for theorists of international relations and policy makers.     

“The laughing third man in a fight”: Stalin's use of the wedge strategy

Although much IR theory focuses on balancing, this paper examines a version of the wedge strategy, what Stalin allegedly called being “the laughing third man in a fight.” This is the practice of advancing one's goals by setting up other states to fight each other. The first case study is Soviet strategy in Europe from September 1939 until June 1941. The second is Soviet strategy in the Far East in 1941–45. What I am looking at here is a policy of deliberately encouraging the start of a war and/or aiding its prolongation in order to weaken both sides. The two case studies indicate that the Soviet Union used such a strategy at times in place of the usual forms of balancing, discussed in the international relations literature. Additionally, analysis of Moscow's conduct, statements by Soviet leaders, and the policies of a number of foreign communist parties indicate that, in addition to any security goals, Stalin's agenda included furthering the USSR's goal as a revolutionary state, even thought this had at times to be constrained by realpolitik.     

Rising Tides of Ideological Simplifications: A Comparative and Longitudinal Analysis of Local Parties

This article explores the strength and causal determinants of ideological thinking within Swiss local political parties. The concept of “ideologization” refers to (1): “horizontal couplings”, as they are manifested in intercorrelations between different opinions, and to (2) “vertical couplings” of specific opinions to abstract concepts of “left” and “right”. Results show high ideologization on the left‐center section of the LR‐scale, especially in the vertical dimension. On both sides of the spectrum, ideological constraints are significantly higher in larger communities than in than in smaller ones. Only in rather small communities, does ideologization correlate positively with the educational level, the modern occupational background of party members and the number of other local parties with which they have to compete. In communities of given size, ideological thinking is more pronounced when parties possess a small share of political power. Finally, it is found that ideological constraints have increased somewhat between 1989 and 2002.     

指导性案例跨类型适用的限度与进路

司法实践中指导性案例跨类型适用的现象具有广泛性、频发性、多样性、热点集中性等特征。基于对上述现象的实证分析和反思,类型化思维和法律方法的运用是指导性案例跨类型适用的理论依据,满足案例指导制度运行多元化需求则是其现实动因。指导性案例的跨类型适用如果严重背离“类案类判”的基本理念,就易滋生隐患和风险。完善指导性案例的跨类型适用应分别从案例生成和案例适用的角度出发。一方面,通过丰富指导性案例的数量和类型、改进指导性案例的裁判要点从源头上减少指导性案例的跨类型适用概率;另一方面,通过完善指导性案例与待解决案件的相似性判断以及法律适用的“公约化”来规范指导性案例跨类型适用的裁判路径。     

Keeping the left at bay: Delegate selection system choice in US Democratic presidential nominations

In the modern era of US presidential nominations, every election cycle we witness around 20% change in delegate selection system types. This variance remains unexplained and for the most part unexplored. At the same time, prior formal and empirical models offer contradicting expectations of party leader behavior in their choice of system. This paper looks to bridge this divide. We argue state party leaders use delegate selection systems to select candidates favorable to their own ideological position. When the median partisan is ideologically left relative to the position of state Democratic leaders, the leaders of the Party will open up the delegate selection system to dilute the voices furthest on the left. We employ maximum likelihood estimation as a method to show that left positioning of citizens relative to state Democratic leaders increases the likelihood the state Democratic Party will use a primary system as opposed to a caucus.     

Good radicals? Trajectories of pro-Kurdish political and militant mobilisation to the wars in Syria,Turkey and Iraq

ABSTRACT

This article explores the interrelation of volunteering, violence and ideology by studying the pro-Kurdish political and militant mobilisation to the wars in Syria, Turkey and Iraq. Focusing especially on the trajectories, motives and reflections of foreign volunteers in different Kurdish militant groups, I argue that ideology is neither a precondition nor a necessary reason for mobilisation to an armed group. In many cases, it is the other way around, as mobilisation to violence is often the source of ideological conviction.     

Socialised to think in terms of left and right? The acceptability of the left and the right among European voters

The left-right dimension plays a crucial role in how political scientists think about politics. Yet we know surprisingly little about the extent to which citizens are able to position themselves on a left-right dimension. By analysing non-response on left-right self-identification question from seven waves of the European Social Survey (N = 295,713), this study demonstrates that citizens’ ability to position themselves on the left-right dimension depends on the political system they live in and its history. Citizens in countries with lower levels of elite polarization place themselves on a left-right dimension less often, this difference is partiularly pronounced for citizens with high levels of political interest. Citizens in countries with a recent authoritarian history were unable to place themselves on the left-right dimension more often. These findings show the importance of political socialization for left-right self-identification.