全文获取类型
收费全文 | 821篇 |
免费 | 30篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 39篇 |
工人农民 | 36篇 |
世界政治 | 37篇 |
外交国际关系 | 38篇 |
法律 | 221篇 |
中国共产党 | 35篇 |
中国政治 | 113篇 |
政治理论 | 139篇 |
综合类 | 193篇 |
出版年
2024年 | 1篇 |
2023年 | 6篇 |
2022年 | 5篇 |
2021年 | 6篇 |
2020年 | 25篇 |
2019年 | 21篇 |
2018年 | 18篇 |
2017年 | 25篇 |
2016年 | 18篇 |
2015年 | 9篇 |
2014年 | 37篇 |
2013年 | 125篇 |
2012年 | 33篇 |
2011年 | 42篇 |
2010年 | 31篇 |
2009年 | 37篇 |
2008年 | 34篇 |
2007年 | 42篇 |
2006年 | 62篇 |
2005年 | 45篇 |
2004年 | 54篇 |
2003年 | 48篇 |
2002年 | 43篇 |
2001年 | 37篇 |
2000年 | 39篇 |
1999年 | 3篇 |
1998年 | 2篇 |
1997年 | 2篇 |
1991年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有851条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
711.
A Watershed in White House Journalism: Explaining the Post-1968 Rise of Aggressive Presidential News
Presidential journalism is known to have grown substantially more aggressive through the 1970s and beyond, but a definitive explanation for this trend remains elusive. Some suggest that events surrounding Vietnam and Watergate transformed the professional norms of journalism. However, the trend could also be a more superficial and transitory response to other circumstantial factors that converged in the same time period, such as president-level characteristics (the prevalence of Republicans, Washington outsiders, and more vigorous news management efforts), the political environment (the rise of official discord), and the economic environment (a downturn in the business cycle). This study disentangles these various factors and assesses their relative success in explaining trends in journalistic conduct in the postwar era. Data are drawn from a large sample of presidential news conferences from 1953 through 2000, focusing on the aggressiveness of journalists' questions. The results strongly support the normative shift hypothesis, although economic factors have also been consequential. These results suggest a punctuated equilibrium model of journalistic change in relations between the White House press corps and the presidency. 相似文献
712.
This article reviews the IPPR commissioned report ‘Securing the Future of Higher Education in England’. It is argued that the report identifies key shortcomings in contemporary higher education policy, and develops some important recommendations for shaping the sector in the future. However, several of the proposed recommendations would create new divisions in the sector and reinforce existing ones. Moreover, the report maintains and reproduces the ideological status quo of contemporary higher education policy, which can broadly be described as the organisation and provision of higher education along ‘quasi‐market’ lines. Crucially, although the report advocates reform based on social justice, in the contemporary context of fiscal retrenchment, the majority of recommendations are underpinned by, arguably necessary, economic rationales. 相似文献
713.
The unusual size and persistence of the gender gap in political knowledge is perplexing in comparison to other dimensions of politics. Building on situational explanations of political engagement, this article claims that women’s and men’s specific adult roles lead to an enlargement of the gender gap in knowledge. The present study analyses men and women’s levels of political knowledge at different life stages by means of two unique datasets specifically collected to measure what people know about politics. Findings show that adult roles provide more opportunities for men to gain political knowledge than for women. Furthermore, the comparison of levels of political knowledge in two such dissimilar countries as Finland and Spain suggests that while gender equality policies are successful in tearing down some of the obstacles that hinder women’s contact with the political world, they are still insufficient to completely bridge the gender gap in political knowledge during adulthood. 相似文献
714.
Grahame F. Thompson 《Economy and Society》2013,42(4):562-581
Do we live in a new information-based networked economy? This is the underlying issue raised in this article. Confronting the claims made that such an economy is in the making provides the opportunity to discuss some ideas about the reconfiguration of knowledge that the interaction of ICTs with networks is providing. The extent and importance of ICTs is analysed and their potential impact on the evolution of economic activity investigated. The question of how to ‘govern’ these interactions is also broached. Perhaps somewhat paradoxically, a key argument made is that the advent of ICTs is pressing networks into a deeper engagement with tacit knowledge and the reappraisal of the virtues of craft production. 相似文献
715.
Yin-wah Chu 《Economy and Society》2013,42(2):278-303
Abstract Globalists and former students of the Asian developmental state maintain that the latter has succumbed to the forces of globalization. They believe that the global knowledge economy involves the thorough integration of the global economy, continuous innovation and networks rather than hierarchies and that these factors are foreign to the operational logic of the developmental state and thus render it obsolete. This article contends that the global economy is not as open as supposed, and that the challenges posed by the knowledge economy, while genuine, tend to be uneven. Focusing on Korea's information technology sector and relying on documentary and interview data, the present article suggests that, while the Korean state no longer relies on its erstwhile finance and regulation strategies, it has continued to articulate development visions and sought to achieve them through deploying public resources to structure the market. Rather than going into eclipse, the Korean developmental state has been reconfigured. 相似文献
716.
Nicholas Dorn 《Economy and Society》2013,42(3):316-334
Abstract Regulators attempt to understand financial markets and their risks in terms of categories of knowledge and datasets that are defined and produced by the markets. However, regulators cannot adequately interpret or utilize such knowledge, for reasons including their social distance from the sites of knowledge production, the diversity of financial firms’ proprietary risk models, firms’ abilities to game the rules thus rendering the ‘metrics’ meaningless and several backfiring aspects of global regulatory networking and reform. Calls for yet more information about trading, posed in terms of the merits of transparency, result in information swamping of regulators. Meanwhile, while policy-makers tinker with regulatory structures (‘architecture’), political reaction to the crisis de-legitimizes public regulation as a project. Yet there is one positive aspect of the reforms – enhancing powers for ‘resolution’ of financial firms in ways that impact upon investors while minimizing wider destabilization – upon which the regulatory information requirement can and should be refocused. To protect the public interest, legal transparency is required, trading transparency is not. This paper introduces these issues by drawing on critical work on transparency and markets. 相似文献
717.
Abstract This paper introduces a theme section on knowledge limits in and after the financial crisis. It explores how and why practitioners have generally responded less conservatively to crisis than academics, and argues that academics within a variety of problematics could do more by reflecting critically on the heroic ideas about the role of knowledge which were current across the social sciences in the decade before the crisis. It then turns to introduce the section's papers before finally raising the possibility of a more explicitly political approach to understanding finance. 相似文献
718.
The World Bank has always sold ideas, not just loans. Starting in 1996, then president James Wolfensohn rebranded the Bank by articulating a formal vision of a “Knowledge Bank”—a provider of state‐of‐the‐art expertise on development. After a number of internal changes and assessments, the Bank is acknowledging that it needs to be more humble, pluralistic, and practical. Why do some regard the Bank as a legitimate knowledge actor, whereas others contest that authority? We offer an analytical framework that can explain stakeholders' uneven recognition of the Bank's knowledge role. When stakeholders define knowledge as products, the Bank generally obtains recognition for the quality and quantity of the information it generates. This is the output dimension of legitimacy. On the other hand, when knowledge only counts as such to users who have been part of the process of creating it, the Bank finds itself with limited recognition. 相似文献
719.
Fritz Sager 《Regulation & Governance》2013,7(3):348-364
Ex ante policy appraisals, such as Regulatory Impact Assessments (RIAs), are promoted because they are expected to inform decisionmakers and, thus, to lead to better quality regulation. Such instrumental use is not the only possible use of RIAs. Ex ante policy appraisal can affect the policy process in various ways. However, a consolidated theory on the conditions for utilization of RIAs in the policy process has yet to be developed. In order to explore these conditions, we analyze three case studies of Swiss decisionmaking processes and apply concepts from knowledge utilization literature. In conclusion, we find that policy arenas matter more than the institutional context and design of RIA procedures. In line with previous literature, political use seems to be a prevalent type of utilization. Yet we find that, under specific conditions, RIAs also provide a basis for the optimization of policy designs (instrumental use), help improve interagency relations (policy‐process use), and may change how a policy issue is understood (conceptual use). 相似文献
720.
本文以《看见十九世纪台湾——十四位西方旅行者的福尔摩沙故事》(Curious Investigations:19th-century American and European Impressions of Taiwan)为主要分析对象,将西方人讲述的台湾故事当做西方对东方的观看和关于台湾的知识生产,探讨何种事物被选择为讲述对象,考察来自西方的“凝视”(gaze)究竟产生了怎样的台湾图景.首先,将西方旅行者对台湾自然事物的发现与19世纪西方的科学发展相联系,说明对未知世界的探险、科学化的叙述和世界范围内的知识传播是由西方主导的.而旅行者对台湾人文景观的记录则表现为观察与被观察、控制与被控制的权力关系,是西方主体对东方他者的认知投射.第二,借用文化与社会关键词的论述,将旅行者对台湾人文与社会的讲述集中于一些有代表性的词汇中,如“野蛮人”、汉人与儒家文化等,这些词汇体现了西方主体的意识与观念,呈现了当时西方眼中的台湾知识地图.原住民被作为讲述中心可能与西方眼中的文明位阶相关;汉人和儒家文化受到贬抑是中华文明衰落和西方文明崛起的世界格局所决定的. 相似文献