试论和谐社会构建中的行政伦理重塑

行政伦理道德建设为社会的和谐提供伦理基础和道德保障。治理行政伦理失范、加强行政伦理建设必须坚持正确价值取向,深化改革,转变职能,健全权力监督制约机制,加快行政伦理立法,加强行政组织文化建设。打造服务为导向的有限政府。同时,健全和完善国家公务员制度,加强行政伦理道德教育,完善行政人员道德人格,以求重塑行政伦理的价值规范,构建与和谐社会相适应的行政伦理道德体系。     

“全球治理”与“建设和谐世界”理念比较研究

本文通过比较分析"全球治理"与"建设和谐世界"理念的异同,研究探索两者之间的相互关系,认为:一、两者都是对全球化深入发展,以及当代国际体系发生深刻变化的反应,并且都否定强权政治;二、"建设和谐世界"是中国融入当代国际体系、参与全球化过程中,为应对全球性问题挑战而提出的,具有中国特色的处理国际事务新理念,同时也与"全球治理"有一定的契合;三、由于"建设和谐世界"的思想基础是马列主义的和平共处国际关系理论,又与建设有中国特色的社会主义紧密相关,且强调传统中华文化的"和为贵"的理念,因此不能简单地认为它是中国的"全球治理"理论;四、"建设和谐世界"比"全球治理"理念更具包容性,因此建设和谐世界不仅能参与"全球治理",而且能超越全球治理。     

构建社会主义和谐社会相对满足人们的公平需求

公平理论为构建社会主义和谐社会提供了有益的借鉴,追求社会公平是人类社会心理活动的客观规律。宏观环境中不公平心理产生的主要原因是经济上的社会分配不公。应当通过完善改革制度和政策,加强经济领域的宏观管理和监督;实行民主政治,加强法制建设;重视教育,提高全民族素质来加以调整。微观环境中不公平心理产生的原因有个人、组织和领导者层面。应当注重全方位提高自身的素质;认真进行管理制度和分配(奖励)制度的改革与完善;领导者更应注重树立立党为公、执政为民的思想,提高科学执政、民主执政、依法执政的能力,切实担负起建设和谐社会的责任。     

The perspective of multi-religious Society on Islamization policy in Malaysia

Support for Islam has often been described as part of the Malaysian government’s drive for Islamization, commonly known as ‘Islamization policy’. The concept of an ‘Islamization policy’ is contested, open to various interpretations since it is not officially defined in any government blueprint. This paper highlights the perspectives of a number of religious groups on Islamization policy. The study covered the period from 1981 until 2009, which includes the Mahathir Mohamed and Abdullah Ahmad Badawi administrations. Using a policy analysis lens, the paper focuses on the perspective of the groups regarding the idea of Islamization as a public policy; the meaning and status of Islamization policy. The patterns indicate that the views are more complex than just ‘for’ and ‘against,’ although the patterns of perception are based on two divergent views: those who support the policy (the proponents) and those who oppose it (the opponents). This diversity is significant in that it helps to provide a better understanding of some multi-religious perspectives towards Islamization policy, as well as highlighting the different interests and concerns of both Muslim and non-Muslim communities towards the policy.     

Political linkages between CSOs and parliament in Indonesia: a case study of political linkages in drafting the Aceh Governance Law

This research explores how political linkages between civil society organizations (CSOs) and Parliament are established, formed, and operated, using the drafting of the Aceh Governance Law as a case study. It finds that the initiative of establishing political linkages between CSOs and Parliament was taken by the CSOs joined in the Aceh Democracy Network (JDA, Jaringan Demokrasi Aceh). It confirms Lawson’s finding that parties are not the only linkage providers; however, the establishment of non-party linkages are not indicators of parties’ failure to provide linkage. This article shows how what Lawson terms ‘typology’—participatory linkage, policy-responsive linkage, linkage by reward, directive or coercive linkage—is manifested more as different ‘dimensions’ of linkages. Participatory linkage involves a bottom-up model, unlike directive or coercive linkage, which are top-down. Likewise, the motives behind responsive linkages—for aspirations, demands, and views to be heard—tend to be from the bottom, while the motives of linkage by reward is more frequently from the top.Abbreviations: ACSTF: Aceh Civil Society Task Force; ADF: Aceh Development Fund. Independent non-profit organization that works to mobilize funds and other resources to be channelled to CSOs are characterized by changes in the framework of poverty alleviation and strengthening of democracy, with the scope of the working area of Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam; AJMI: Aceh Judicial Monitoring Institute. Aceh-based nongovernmental organization which advocates for victims of state violence; Cetro: Centre for Electoral Reform. Non-profit organization that aim to strengthen and promote fair elections through electoral system reformation; Demos: Lembaga Kajian Demokrasi dan Hak Asasi (democracy and human rights think tank); ELSAM: Lembaga Studi dan Advokasi Masyarakat (Institute for Societal Study and Advocacy); Flower: Aceh-based civil society organization concerned with gender, empowerment and strengthening grassroots women in urban and rural areas; FORBES: Forum bersama politisi asal Aceh (Joint Forum of Politicians from Aceh); Forum: LSM Aceh Forum Lembaga Swadaya Masyarakat (Aceh Nongovernment Organization Forum); GAM: Gerakan Aceh Merdeka (Free Aceh Movement); Golkar: Golongan Karya (Functional Groups). Party formed under the New Order and represented as a governmental party at that time; ICW: Indonesia Corruption Watch. Nongovernmental organization founded in 1998 whose primary mission is to monitor and report to the public incidents of corruption in Indonesia; Imparsial: Indonesian Human Rights Monitor. Founded in 2002 to monitor and investigate human right violations; JDA: Jaringan Demokrasi Aceh (Aceh Democracy Network); JPUK: Jaringan Perempuan untuk Kebijakan (Women’s Policy Network); Kalyanamitra: Women’s advocacy organization, especially for women who work as labourers, farmers, fishers, informal sector workers. Kalyanamitra derives from Sanskrit ‘Good Friend’; Koalisi NGO HAM: Coalition of Human Right Nongovernment Organizations. Founded in 1998 by nongovernmental organizations whose concern is promoting human rights in Aceh; KontraS: Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence; KPMD: Komite Monitoring Perdamaian dan Demokrasi (Committee for Peace and Democracy). Founded in Aceh in 2002 to bring peace and justice for Acehnese people; MISPI: Mitra Sejati Perempuan Indonesia (True Partner of Indonesian Women). Aceh-based women’s organization that promotes women’s participation and encourages women to speak with their own voices; MPR: Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat (People’s Consultative Assembly); PAN: Partai Amanat Nasional (National Mandate Party). Moderate Islamist political party that was founded by reformists, including Amien Rais, former chairman of the Muhammadiyah organization; PBR: Partai Bintang Reformasi (Star of Reform Party). Islamist political party founded in 2002 as a result of PPP conflict; PDIP: Partai Demokrasi Indonesia-Perjuangan (Indonesian Democrat Party-Struggle). Founded by Megawati Soekarnoputri, daughter of Soekarno, in 1999; PDRM: Pergerakan Demokratik Rakyat Miskin (Democratic Movement for the Poor); PKB: Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa (National Awakening Party). Established in 1998, representing Nahdlatul Ulama organization (associations of ulamas formed in 1926 in East Java); PKS: Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (Prosperous Justice Party). New name of Partai Keadilan (Justice Party), which emerged from the Tarbiyah party movement; PPP: Partai Persatuan Pembangunan (United Development Party). Founded by the New Order in 1973 as part of the ‘rationalization of political life’; PSHK: Pusat Studi Hukum dan Kebijakan (Centre for Legal and Policy Studies). Established in 2008 by several scholars, advocates, and law students to drive efforts for legal reform after the 1998 reformation; WALHI: Wahana Lingkungan Hidup Indonesia (Indonesian Environmental Forum). Founded in 1980, its scope is broader than just environmental concerns, but also works for social transformation, people’s sovereignty, and sustainability of life and livelihoods; YAPPIKA: Yayasan Penguatan Partisipasi Inisiatif dan Kemitraan Masyarakat (Foundation to Reinforce Public Participation, Initiative, and Partnership). Founded in 1991 to promote peacebuilding, development of democratic local governance, active citizenship, and claiming state responsibility to meet people’s basic needs     

论生态环境治理体系现代化与环境行政互动式执法

环境行政执法是生态环境治理的核心内容,我国环境行政执法以威慑式执法为主,执法实践陷入执法者与违法者对立冲突之困境,需以生态环境治理体系现代化为契机,向新的执法方式转变和发展。随着环境立法的发展,我国环境治理模式经历了从政府管制到政府与社会二元合作模式,再到政府、企业、社会公众三元互动模式的转变,形成了新时期社会共治的现代化生态环境治理体系。现代化生态环境治理体系与社会共治理论相契合。现代化生态环境治理体系为构建环境行政互动式执法系统提供了互动前提与理论支撑。以此为基础,环境行政互动式执法的实现需要生态环境行政机关让渡权力空间,以吸纳企业协商和公众参与。     

当代中国社会道德价值观调查报告

改革开放三十年来,中国的经济、政治、文化等领域发生了巨大的改变,人们的思想观念和生活观念也发生了显著的变化。该调查课题通过对中国当代社会道德价值观从社会理想,公德,德性,个体价值、理想与信仰四个维度的调查研究与分析,得出如下结论：国人在现实主义的基础上深藏着社会理想与个人信仰的追求,在转型期传统思维与现代生活矛盾交错,传统的厚德载物、自强不息依然是主要的国民道德特征,和谐社会是党和人民永恒不懈的追求。     

To Build A “Harmonious World”: China’s Soft Power Wielding in the Global South

This study attempts to answer a new but important question in China’s foreign policy— how Beijing has wielded its soft power to construct its ideal of international order in the age of China’s rise. Before empirical analyses, this study tries to set up a conceptual framework on the relations between the idea of “harmonious world” and China’s soft power wielding in its rising process. Within this framework, this study examines a rising China’s foreign policies towards three targeted regions in the global south—Africa, East Asia, and Latin America. On the one hand, due to Beijing’s carefully-designed and soft power-based foreign policies, the global south has become an increasingly harmonious environment for Beijing to cultivate a favorable national image, exert its political influence on regional affairs, benefit its own domestic economic developments, etc. On the other hand, some problems such as the so-called “China’s New Colonialism” and the increased vigilance from the other powers have already began to challenge Beijing’s harmony in those regions. Sheng Ding is assistant professor of political science at Bloomsburg University. He received both his masters and doctoral degrees from Rutgers. His research interests include soft power in international relations; transnational identity in globalization; information technology and world politics; politics in Pacific Asia; Chinese politics and foreign policy; U.S.-China relations, etc. His research articles have been published by Pacific Affairs, Nationalism and Ethnic Politics and East Asia: An International Quarterly. The author would like to thank the anonymous reviewers for their useful comments on the draft of the paper.     

论民族文化背后的晚清乡绅社会反教情绪及表现样态

晚清乡绅是一个特殊的社会群体,在中国近代社会转型变化的关头,他们陷入了前所未有的文化困境,在民族心理上难以接受这种猝然而至并欲以主人地位取代民族文化的外来的异类文化。而仅凭过去的思想文化资源,他们又找不到解决问题的答案和出路。作为当时社会的精英,他们对现实的感受尤其敏锐和痛苦,而他们又是当时社会大众中儒家传统文化权威的具体象征,是当时民间话语权的表达者,所以,当西方基督教文化侵入中国内地,尤其是农村时,他们便责无旁贷地站出来代替大众表态。在传统面对挑战之际,他们很难心平气和地做出明智的选择,这种情感和民族心理习惯上的反抗趋势,呈现出合情却不合理的猜忌与恶感的样态,这是中国知识阶层走出传统模式的必由之路,只有经过这一盲目、自发阶段后,他们才能逐渐变化开放。     

规则与礼仪:来自特罗布里恩社会的启示——《西太平洋上的航海者》述评

《西太平洋上的航海者》是马林诺夫斯基的民族志名著,作品立足于文化的特殊性与人性的复杂性,从功能主义视角出发,勾勒了特罗布里恩群岛的社会结构和与之密切交织的文化现象,分析了社会系统各构成要素之间相互配合的关系,把特罗布里恩人约定俗成的各种规则、礼仪生活传统与追求社会信誉的生活态度梳理出来,尤其是对社会交换的经典案例库拉作...