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41.
In high‐conflict divorce cases, the emotional toll on the family unit is unquestionably destructive. While the physical and mental health of the children should be the primary focus, the emotional turmoil of a high‐conflict divorce often moves the focus away from the children as parents struggle emotionally and financially. Although the best interests of the children are always in the judicial purview, the repeated, lengthy, and hostile litigation process often associated with high‐conflict dissolution has lasting effects on the physical and mental health of children, similar to those associated with physical abuse and neglect. Child Protective Services (CPS) must step in and protect the emotional well‐being of children during high‐conflict divorce cases.  相似文献   
42.
Parents who experience great amounts of legal conflict as they dissolve their relationship and arrive at their parenting arrangements require an outsize proportion of courts’ time and resources. Additionally, there is overwhelming evidence that conflict has a deleterious effect on their children. We partnered with the family court to conduct a study comparing the effectiveness of two programs for families deemed by their judge to be high conflict and thereby mandated to a program. Both involved one 3‐hour session; the existing program, Parent Conflict Resolution (PCR), used exhortational lecture and video; the newly designed experimental program, Family Transitions Guide (FTG), based on motivational interviewing, employed exercises attempting to get parents to decide for themselves what they needed to do for the sake of their children. Parents were assigned at random to one of the two programs (the literature often terms this a randomized clinical trial) and were interviewed just before it began and 9 months later, as was a child. Results showed that child's report of their own well‐being was significantly improved by FTG as compared to PCR and that these effects were mediated by children feeling less caught in the middle. On several variables, parent report showed that parents in PCR as compared to FTG felt decreased problems in co‐parenting and less interparental conflict, although the effects were not consistent across mother and father report. There was also evidence of diminished legal conflict over 9 months in FTG as compared to PCR.  相似文献   
43.
由于见义勇为不是公民的法定义务,过多地从道德上谴责见义而不敢勇为的人并不能收到良好的效果。有人用《好撒玛利亚人法》作为见死不救入罪的根据,其实是一种误读。道德的高尚性可以用真、善、美三个字来概括,真、善、美这三个字所表达的内涵是一致的,为善求美也要实事求是、量力而行。倡导在见义勇为时防范、降低风险,保护自身安全,无论对社会、对见义勇为者都具有重要意义。政府应当学会多层次聚焦见义勇为的正能量,见义勇为者也应当尽可能地减少风险。  相似文献   
44.
服务社会管理创新是新形势下基层统战发展的必然要求。目前,基层统战服务社会管理创新还存在不少问题。因此,必须从创新工作思路、营造社会环境、搭建平台、完善工作机制等方面,促进基层统战工作在服务社会管理创新中发挥更大作用。  相似文献   
45.
加强公安机关核心战斗力建设,既是公安现实斗争及其系统建设的重要目标与方法取向,也是在新的起点上扎实推进公安信息化建设的重要立论根据与实践基础。要把握核心战斗力实质推进公安信息化建设,要突破核心战斗力关节统筹公安信息化建设,要扭住核心战斗力机制优化公安信息化建设。  相似文献   
46.
47.
Traditional body fluid identification methods use a variety of technologically diverse techniques that do not permit the identification of all body fluids. Definitive identification of the biological material present can be crucial to a fuller understanding of the circumstances pertaining to a crime. Thus definitive molecular based strategies for the conclusive identification of forensically relevant biological fluids need to be developed. Messenger (mRNA) profiling is an example of such a molecular based approach.Current mRNA body fluid identification assays typically involve either capillary electrophoresis (CE) or quantitative RT-PCR (qRT-PCR) platforms, each with its own limitations. Both platforms require the use of expensive fluorescently labeled primers or probes. CE-based assays require separate amplification and detection steps thus increasing the time required for analysis. For qRT-PCR assays, only 3 or 4 markers can be included in a single reaction since each requires a different fluorescent dye. To simplify mRNA profiling assays and to reduce the time and cost of analysis, we have developed multiplex high resolution melt (HRM) assays that provide an identification of all forensically relevant biological fluids and tissues.  相似文献   
48.
Although people tend to mobilize around local problems and restrict their political involvement at other times, the political communication literature generally has focused on national politics and elections. This is particularly surprising in investigations of political involvement since it is at the community level that people should feel more efficacious. Also, both mass and interpersonal communication should be more significant locally given their importance in strengthening community ties. The study reported here focuses on these relationships in a community context, with a survey of six inner-city neighborhoods and six suburbs classified on status using location and census data. Results point to a much more positive role for the media in community politics. Those most likely to rely on neighborhood newspapers as sources are less disillusioned with government, suggesting that the most "grassroots" of print media are more efficacious in their impact than the other channels. Also, readership of a daily newspaper is particularly strong as a predictor of both community political involvement and faith in community civic involvement. Results of the macro analysis suggest that urban sprawl may have consequences for how media affect political involvement. In the data here, distance from the center city and stratification are closely tied--the further out the community, the higher its status. Results by neighborhood structure indicate media specialization as well as a greater dependence on media versus interpersonal influence in the political arena. Thus, we see that political involvement and attitudes are more strongly related to reading the daily newspaper in the more distant suburbs than in the center city.  相似文献   
49.
This note adapts two models commonly used to estimate the incumbency advantage that US members of Congress enjoy – the ‘slurge’ and the Gelman-King Index – to provide comparable estimates for UK MPs. The results show that Liberal Democrats enjoy extremely large such advantages on a par with those of US Congressmen of between 5% and 15% of the vote. Labour and the Conservatives have incumbency advantages at around 2% and 1% respectively. The note estimates that effects could have changed the outcome in as many as 25 seats in some elections, and that they cost the Conservatives the chance to govern alone after the 2010 election.  相似文献   
50.
审判管辖中的级别管辖解决的是上下级法院在受理第一审刑事案件上的权限划分。现行刑事诉讼法的级别管辖制度存在一些现实的缺陷,具体表现为管辖的标准过于抽象、客观上导致中国被告人和外国被告人诉讼地位的不平等以及法院的功能过于复杂。有许多学者和专家也提出了一些不同的修改意见,其中认为取消最高人民法院的一审管辖权是十分恰当的,对中级人民法院管辖的判处无期徒刑或者死刑的标准应当以法定刑格来确定。  相似文献   
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