血中精神药物的气相色谱-质谱分析

目的建立人血中精神药物的GC-MS测定方法。方法样品在pH12条件下用乙醚萃取,SKF_525A为内标。以DB-5MS石英毛细管柱、EI源、不分流进样测定人血中四种精神药物。结果人血中四种精神药物与内标物分离良好,血药浓度在0.2-1.0μg,／ml范围内呈线性关系,R2≥0.9728,最低检出限为0.01μg(S／N≥3),血中精神药物的最低检出浓度为0.05μg／ml(S／N≥3),提取率72.5％～89.3％,RSD≤5.17％。四种精神药物日内差RSD≤3.7％(n=5)。结论本法可用于精神药物的血药浓度监测。     

北京市基层卫生监督机构人力资源配置公平性研究简

卫生监督机构是依法履行政府职能的卫生专业执法机构,其职能履行直接关系到人们的健康以及合法的卫生权益。卫生监督人力资源配置的公平性很大程度上决定了卫生监督执法工作的成效。本文通过描述分析2011年北京市基层卫生监督人力资源配置状况;运用基尼系数、集中指数测量、比较北京市基层卫生监督人力资源公平性,系统评价北京市基层卫生监督人力资源配置公平性,为政府科学、有效配置卫生监督人力资源提供决策参考。     

论作为概念群落的环境权

环境权是环境法学研究的重课题。对环境权的界定涉及对环境法律关系的主体、人与自然之间关系的法学意蕴、传统权利概念等重理论问题的重新理解。环境权不是一个单一的法律概念,而是由三种权利类型构成的统一整体,这三种权利分别为：环境的权利、环境物权、环境人权。三种权利的统一基础则在于通过法律权利衡平人与自然之间和谐的共生关系。     

Women in the Korean Civil Service

Abstract

Are organizational characteristics, such as agency type, size, and growth, linked to female representation in the Korean civil service? This study analyzes the aggregate data regarding the female workforce in the Korean civil service in 2001 through multiple regression analysis. Findings indicate that the Korean women are likely to be underrepresented in most national agencies and severely underrepresented at higher‐level grades. While the Korean women doubled in the civil service for the last two decades, employment of women at the highest grade levels did not improve significantly. Redistributive agencies are directly linked to female representation in the Korean civil service regardless of grade levels, whereas agency size and growth are not related to female employment representation. To achieve gender equality and to expand female senior executive feed levels, the Korean government has provided the quotas for successful female applicants in the civil service entrance examinations at the lowest through middle level grades since 1996. The use of quotas and policies for gender equality could lead to changes in the entire public workforce, particularly fair representation at higher‐level positions as well as the elimination of agency and occupational segregation.     

The Post-Tiananmen Human Rights Issue in China–Australia Relations

The Tiananmen events of June 1989 shattered the dream of a special relationship between China and Australia, making human rights one of the major issues to be addressed in their bilateral relations. Though differences emerged, they still needed manageable and constructive linkages because both of them were fully aware that confrontation could damage their common interests in economic prosperity and regional peace and stability. Consequently, the engagement in human rights was the mutual demand and pursuit between Beijing and Canberra. By means of engagement, Canberra expected that with the growth of China's economy and reform this moderate approach would bring about to China better conditions for more progress in human rights, though it might be at a slow speed. In the process of China's post-Tiananmen evolutionary human rights diplomacy changes, Australia was one of the countries to be won over by China in facilitating its policy implementation. Admittedly, China's bilateral dialogue approach and technical cooperation with Australia and some other Western countries contributed to the successive failure of the American attempt to take multilateral actions to pass an anti-China resolution in the UN Human Rights Commission (replaced by the UN Human Rights Council in March 2006). Meanwhile, China had to take such steps as responding to concerns on rights issues raised by its dialogue partners and accepting and implementing UN human rights instruments to maintain the engagement approach. Resultantly, the process of China's engagement with Australia and other Western states in human rights is also a process of its learning how to deal with Western pressure constructively and how to improve human rights at home.     

Privacy,stigma and public protection: A socio-legal analysis of criminality information practices in the UK

Criminality information practices involve public authorities in the UK (and elsewhere) gathering, retaining and sharing information that connects with an identifiable individual; all with the ostensible aim of upholding and improving standards of public protection. This piece first charts the landscape of contemporary criminality information practices in the UK today. The article then examines recent legal emphases and policy directions for public protection networks. Consideration is then given in the piece to privacy rights and values and the difficulties in providing an exact typology and grounding for these. The piece then outlines a suggested framework for correct legal regulation, as well as a through commentary on the work done by Catherine Bellamy et al. to empirically determine the extent to which public protection information sharing can in fact occur in correct adherence to legal regulation. A socio-legal analysis is undertaken of the nature of public protection networks as variants on Goffman's performance teams within a dramaturgical routine that foregrounds stigmatisation of perceived ‘risky’ individuals as an aspect of that routine. This piece also explores the processes of institutional isomorphism as a reaction to shifting policy directions and legal doctrines, acting as a driving force towards a hierarchical performance of criminality information practices by public protection networks. Three conclusions are offered up for consideration: firstly, that the growing complexity of the law and regulation relating to criminality information practices might improve privacy values in the criminal justice system and help to add precision to necessary processes of stigmatisation in relation to the aim of public protection. Secondly, that these shifts in the law still need ongoing revisions, in order that a hierarchical approach to criminality information practices can be arrived at over time. Thirdly, that if the permanency of potential stigmatisation through the indefinite retention of criminality information cannot change, due to the competing pressure on the criminal justice system from public protection duties, then consultation with ‘risky’ individuals where practicable, before criminality information connected to them is shared across public protection networks becomes essential as a privacy-enhancing value and practice.     

The fly in the ointment? Chinese dissent and US–China relations

After the Tiananmen massacre of 4 June 1989 many Chinese pro-democracy activists have been able to settle in the USA. They have attempted to federate all the opposition forces overseas in an organization which aimed at influencing the US government’s policy toward China. However, plagued by factionalism, the opposition in exile has not been able to put to an efficient use the capital of sympathy that it enjoyed at the time of Tiananmen. After the failure of political organizations, Chinese dissidents have created NGOs which are regularly consulted by the Administration and the Congress. Since the mid-eighties, they represent a substantial factor in the making of American policy towards China.     

The Environmental Record of the Soviet Union

ABSTRACT

This article rethinks John Holloway’s emancipatory theory by “opening” his key concept of “dignity.” It argues that, while Holloway’s use of this concept works well for emphasising the uniqueness of human beings’ ability to both resist and challenge capitalist social relations, due to its underlying Kantian heritage, it is both excessively restrictive and limits the extent to which he can unlock the full potential of his theory, particularly when considering the development of new ecological sensibilities. To this end, the article explores the possibility of supplanting the concept of dignity with that of “Self-realisation.” While not entirely unproblematic, this concept not only reinforces the uniqueness Holloway associates with human agency but also helps unravel a more substantive virtue-orientated approach consistent with his thought.     

Legal/illegal: protesting citizenship in Fortress America

This article examines the issue of legality and illegality, focusing on U.S. citizenship, anti-immigrant rage, and pro-immigrant protests. The central case study is an analysis of what I call digital rage, namely, the rhetorical strategies present in anti-immigrant online activism. I argue that online performance of rage invests in acts of bordering (Nyers 2008) which propel a discourse of white supremacist pure nation and neurotic citizenship (Isin 2004). The final part of this article explores No Human Being is Illegal, a protest art exhibition. Imaginatively refusing forms of citizenship grounded in legal/illegal axis, the exhibition exposes U.S. citizenship itself as illegal, rooted in the colonization of indigenous people and in current neocolonizing practices of exploitation.     

Haven under erasure?: Hong Kong,global Asia and human rights

Discussions of Hong Kong's human rights situation tend to focus on the ex-colony's struggle to protect civil and political rights against the encroachment of the Chinese state. Without contradicting the well-grounded concern with Hong Kong's human rights future articulated in these discussions, this article offers a complementary narrative of human rights development in post-1997 Hong Kong that looks beyond the national frame of such discussions. Drawing attention to Hong Kong's position as a regional centre in the struggle for human rights in Asia under globalisation, the article argues that the activities of local and transnational human rights advocacy groups in the city show positive and promising possibilities of coalitional solidarity on the ground of human rights. Notably, the protests against national security legislation opened up opportunities of articulating diverse struggles for the rights of various social groups, including migrant groups, with the local struggle for civil and political rights. A perspective of Global Asia enables a reading of this important episode in Hong Kong's struggle for human rights that suggests more open-ended future possibilities than the common nationally-framed accounts.