科学发展观视域中幸福概念的内涵

科学发展观是以人的幸福为根本的发展观，是谋求人民普遍幸福的发展观。关注民生，是科学发展观关于幸福的形而下内涵；维护人的尊严，是科学发展观关于幸福的形而上内涵；加强人文关怀，是科学发展观关于幸福的实践内涵。     

论故意危害孕妇妊娠的刑事责任

故意危害孕妇妊娠在刑事司法和刑事法理论中被视为故意伤害胎儿,但其定性一直是一个极具争议的难题。对此,司法实务中存在无罪与故意伤害罪两种截然不同的判例,这有损司法的权威,亦破坏法制的统一,更是对国民的不公正。在刑法理论中亦存在无罪说和故意伤害罪说。刑法典第336条规定的非法进行节育手术罪表明,故意伤害胎儿的行为应当作为犯罪处理,因此,无罪说值得检讨。故意伤害罪说,超出了国民预测的可能性,是现代刑法所禁止的类推解释。增设＂伤害胎儿罪＂与＂恶意伤害胎儿罪＂的见解未能正确区分胎儿发育的阶段性特征,且存在罪名不科学之弊。因此,为了有效保护胎儿的健康发育,有必要对孕妇妊娠实行分阶段保护,并在刑法典中分别增设＂非法终止妊娠罪＂和＂故意伤害胎儿罪＂。     

Sustainable Development,Postmodern Capitalism,and Environmental Policy and Management in Costa Rica

This article examines Costa Rica’s implementation of the Agenda 21 sustainable development policies formulated at the Earth Summits in Rio de Janeiro in 1992 and Johannesburg in 2002. Arguably, the potential threat to sustainable development policies in Costa Rica can be identified in the phenomenon of postmodern capitalism. Nevertheless, in attempting to minimize this threat, Costa Rica, through public and non‐profit organizations, has implemented participative democratic models promoting civil discourse and a sense of national ownership and pride in its sustainable development policies.     

‘Big D’ and ‘little d’: two types of twenty-first century development?

Confusion between the idea of development as purposeful intervention and development as outcome has been addressed by efforts to distinguish ‘intentional’ from ‘immanent’ development, and the distinction between ‘big D’ development as Western post- World War Two modernisation in the Global South, and ‘little d’ as the creation of winners and losers within unfolding capitalist change. As a heuristic device this distinction has been put to a variety of uses within development studies, but it has rarely been subjected to further scrutiny. This paper asks (1) whether the distinction remains coherent or risks being stretched too far, and (2) whether it remains relevant within the changing landscape of twenty-first century development. It first traces the historical evolution of the distinction, and then presents an exploratory case study of Bangladesh’s garment sector in order to analyse the relationship between the two kinds of development empirically, identifying a number of contradictions and ambiguities. It finds that while the ‘D/d’ distinction remains useful at a general level, further conceptualisation is now needed, and its relevance may fade as the significance of Western aid declines.     

韩日独岛争端及其借鉴意义

中国面临的岛屿争端与独岛争端有诸多相似之处。同样具有诸多重要价值的岛屿,同样存在法理之争,二战后遗留问题,一方实际控制且拒不承认存在争议,同样对海洋划界存在影响等。从韩日独岛的博弈中,总结分析韩国和日本围绕独岛的相关条约、主张及应对策略,从而为中国岛屿争端提供借鉴意义。     

Why Does Zimbabwe Export Manufactures and Uganda Not? Econometrics Meets History

Uganda and Zimbabwe are predicted on the basis of their human and natural resources, to have similar shares of manufactures in their exports However, Uganda falls a long way short of the predicted share, while Zimbabwe greatly exceeds it. Uganda's manufactured export share is unusually small mainly because of high transport costs, due to its distance from the sea and inadequate infrastructure. Zimbabwe's manufactured export share is unusually big mainly because its comparative advantage in manufacturing was enhanced by the know-how brought in by European settlers and a long-term policy of promoting the sector.     

India,developmental multilateralism and the Doha ministerial conference

Despite its growing status as an ‘emerging’ power, perceptions of India’s current and future role in multilateral organisations continue to be overshadowed by its reputation for blocking rather than supporting progress in multilateral negotiations on grounds of national sovereignty and Third Worldism. In this article we suggest a more positive interpretation of India’s role through a close analysis of its diplomacy during the 2001 Doha Ministerial Conference of the World Trade Organisation (wto). The Indian delegation attempted proactively to shape the agenda of the negotiations and to promote a form of developmental multilateralism that might correct the perceived imbalances within the substantive commitments to and structure and processes of the wto. India failed to get its way at the time, but the ongoing deadlock at Doha demonstrates the continuing salience of such alternative conceptions of global justice.     

Communication policies,good governance and development journalism

Abstract

This article tries to problematise the link between communication, governance and development. The critical importance of a free and balanced flow of information to an engaged and active civil society, through an independent media and transparent government, has long been acknowledged. Communication plays a pivotal role in improving governance in developing countries.

The article assesses different communication strategies for the implementation of sustainable development. It distinguishes between short-term and long-term objectives in view of the Millennium Development Goals and new challenges such as globalisation, ICTs and liberalisation. In order to assess this in a more applied way, the article briefly outlines a set of media performance indicators, developed by UNESCO, and refers to recent events in Kenya to argue in favour of a communication for development perspective which focuses on the self-development of local communities. The basic assumption is that there are no countries or communities that function completely autonomously, and that are completely self-sufficient, nor are there any nations whose development is exclusively determined by external factors. Every society and community is dependent in one way or another, both in form and in degree.     

Towards a More Comprehensive Analysis of Warlord Politics: Constitutive Agency,Patron–Client Networks and Robust Action

This article serves as a critique of a recent American foreign policy formulation proposing to eradicate ‘warlordism’ and asserting that democratic institutions can be directly created out of the post-eradication anarchic chaos. Against this background, recent years have indeed seen a bourgeoning literature on ‘warlord politics’ in Southeast Asia. The majority commonly portray political actors as faithful followers of economic rationality and self-interest. Therefore, most are conceived as selfish predators who ruthlessly use violence for private gains at the expense of public interest. By suggesting that comparative studies on warlordism have been heavily influenced by the political economy perspective, the article develops a more comprehensive analysis of warlord politics. Along the lines of patron–client network analysis, insights from moral economy and agency-structure sociological dualism are considered. Contrasting case studies are used to illustrate how the alleged warlords of Southeast Asia do not fit entirely into the political economy perspective. Caught in a vast patron–client network of competing interests and diverse powers across state and society, one's agency is constantly constituted by discursive arrays of contending interests, juxtaposing rationalities and multiple intentions. In state building, this complication is regarded as paradoxically necessary for compelling the alleged warlord-actor to re-define and elevate multiple private interests into public interest.     

Ensuring Employment Equity: Are Federal Diversity Programs Making a Difference?

Abstract

In the last two decades, many public sector agencies have instituted a wide array of “managing diversity” programs designed to remove barriers to the full participation of women and people of color. Meanwhile, agencies are also increasingly responding to pressure to develop measures to monitor performance of all of their programs. Yet there have been few efforts in place to measure the effectiveness of diversity management programs. This article argues that such an evaluation is essential, and offers a preliminary governmentwide estimation of the success federal agencies have had in breaking down these barriers. We found, for the most part, that there is little evidence that broad‐based diversity programs, nor any of their programmatic components, have created a more equitable work environment for women or people of color. We then examine the programs at two federal agencies with significant diversity efforts, in depth, and find again that the results have been mixed. While not meant to be the final word, we suggest that these findings can serve as the basis for generating greater discussion and analysis of these important, but under‐evaluated, programs.