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排序方式: 共有2161条查询结果,搜索用时 31 毫秒
931.
This article analyses the voting pattern of the Lun Bawang community—the majority ethnic group in the Ba’ Kelalan constituency—during the Sarawak State Elections held on May 20, 2006, and discusses some of the contentious issues that shaped the electoral outcomes. During the Ba’ Kelalan by-election in September 2004, it was argued that more than half of the Lun Bawang votes went to the then independent candidate Baru Bian. After almost one-and-a-half years later the Lun Bawang had the opportunity to once again exercise their democratic rights. The Ba’ Kelalan seat was won by the BN candidate, Balang Rining but Baru was still able to garner substantial support from the Lun Bawang after winning more than half of the Lun Bawang areas. In terms of popular votes it was still almost divided between Baru and Balang with the latter's winning margin of only 2%. This article argues that the Lun Bawang are divided between development, Native Customary Rights (NCR) land and religious outlook. While some Lun Bawang vote for Balang in the name of development, some vote for Baru because they are convinced of his NCR land arguments and are sympathetic to his religious outlook.  相似文献   
932.
Over the recent decades decentralisation has been an influential process for public sector reform. Like many countries in Southeast Asia, the Philippines and Thailand have experienced a transitional period of decentralisation since the 1990s, but its corresponding results are considered to be poor, allowing for an increase in corruption associated with local elites and other interested parties. This article addresses the problem by focusing on Human Resource Management (HRM), with an emphasis on recruitment and selection in decentralised local governments, as there exists limited research in this area. Despite similar outlook of decentralisation reforms in these countries, the comparative analysis will illustrate differences in HRM policy arrangements between the central and local government, which reflect on the roots and backgrounds of the reform initiatives in each country. Moreover, empirical case observations at the local level from four case cities will present positive HRM practices, as well as the negative ones. Such evidence cannot be explained by contemporary theories on decentralisation, most of which doubt feasibility of the reform in developing countries.  相似文献   
933.
This article analyses one of the causes of migration in rural Mexico through the lens of US foreign assistance policy. US aid to Mexico – the largest migrant-sending country to the USA by far – does not sufficiently take into account the conditions of rural under-development and joblessness that encourage unauthorised migration to the USA. Instead US foreign assistance has been dominated by aid to Mexico's security agencies. This article analyses how the link between rural underdevelopment and migration-pressures has not been successfully addressed by either the Mexican or US governments. The article also analyses an innovative development project that explicitly seeks to support campesinos with the goal of reducing unauthorised migration pressures in a traditional migrant-sending rural region of Mexico.

Développement rural et migration au Mexique

Cet article analyse une des causes de la migration dans le Mexique rural à travers le prisme de la politique d'assistance étrangère des États-Unis. L'aide accordée par les États-Unis au Mexique – de loin le principal pays d'origine de migrants vers les États-Unis – ne tient pas suffisamment compte des conditions de sous-emploi et de chômage en milieu rural qui encouragent la migration non autorisée vers les États-Unis. Au lieu de cela, l'assistance étrangère des États-Unis a été dominée par l'aide accordée aux agences de sécurité du Mexique. Cet article analyse la manière dont le lien entre le sous-développement rural et les pressions de migration n'est abordé ni par le gouvernement mexicain, ni par celui des États-Unis. Cet article analyse par ailleurs un projet de développement novateur qui cherche expressément à aider les campesinos à réduire les pressions en faveur de la migration non autorisée dans une région rurale du Mexique d'où proviennent traditionnellement des migrants.

Desarrollo rural y migración en México

El presente artículo analiza una de la causas de la emigración constatada en la zona rural de México, a través de la lente de la política estadounidense de asistencia al extranjero. En este sentido, la asistencia estadounidense a México – país de origen del mayor número de migrantes a Estados Unidos – no toma en cuenta de manera suficiente las condiciones impuestas por el subdesarrollo rural y el desempleo, a partir de las cuales se ve estimulada la emigración no autorizada a Estados Unidos. Por el contrario, la asistencia estadounidense a México ha dado prioridad a la ayuda destinada a las agencias de seguridad. Este artículo sostiene que ni el gobierno de Estados Unidos, ni el de México, han analizado a profundidad la relación existente entre el subdesarrollo rural y los alicientes para emigrar. Asimismo, el artículo analiza la implementación de un proyecto de desarrollo innovador que explécitamente busca apoyar a los, con el fin de reducir las condiciones que presionan hacia la emigración de manera indocumentada.

Desenvolvimento rural e migração no México

Este artigo analisa uma das causas de migração na zona rural do México sob a ótica da política de assistência estrangeira dos EUA. A ajuda dos EUA e do México – de longe o país que mais envia imigrantes para os EUA– não leva suficientemente em conta as condições do subdesenvolvimento rural e falta de trabalho que incentivam a imigração não-autorizada para os EUA. Em vez disto, a assistência estrangeira dos EUA tem sido dominada por ajuda a agências de segurança do México. Este artigo analisa como a conexão entre o subdesenvolvimento rural e a pressão por migração não são abordadas pelo governo mexicano nem pelo governo dos EUA. O artigo também analisa um projeto de desenvolvimento inovador na zona rural do Méxicoque explicitamente busca apoiar campesinos com o objetivo de reduzir a pressão da migração não autorizada em uma região rural tradicional em enviar imigrantes do México.  相似文献   

934.
The San of Botswana are marginalised and live in poverty. Through semi-structured interviews and participant observation in two San communities, we analyse challenges facing community garden initiatives, and find that the failure of the gardens related to how the San are treated, as well as how they themselves have come to view their situation as destitute people. We conclude that forced resettlement, and historical livelihood disruption, as well as government and NGO policies of doing development through welfare (e.g. handouts), to the neglect of genuine empowerment of people, are responsible for the limited success of the community gardens.

Contextualiser les projets de développement parmi les Sans du Botswana : les difficultés rencontrées dans le cadre des potagers communautaires

Les Sans du Botswana sont marginalisés et vivent dans la pauvreté. À travers des entretiens semi-structurés et l'observation des participants dans deux communautés sans, nous analysons les difficultés auxquelles se heurtent les initiatives de potagers communautaires et constatons que l’échec des potagers est lié à la manière dont les Sans sont traités, ainsi qu'au fait qu'ils ont eux-mêmes fini par voir leur situation comme celle de miséreux. Nous concluons que la réinstallation forcée et la perturbation des moyens de subsistance historiques, ainsi que les politiques suivies par les pouvoirs publics et les ONG de développement à travers les aides sociales (p. ex. dons d'argent) au lieu de favoriser une véritable autonomisation des personnes, sont à l'origine du succès limité des potagers communautaires.

Contextualizando proyectos de desarrollo entre los san de Botsuana: retos de los jardines comunitarios

Los san de Botsuana han sido marginalizados y viven en situación de pobreza. Apoyándose en entrevistas semiestructuradas y en observaciones participantes en dos comunidades san, las autoras analizan los retos que presentan las iniciativas de jardines comunitarios. Concluyen que el fracaso de los jardines se relaciona con la forma en que son tratados los san y con cómo ellos mismos perciben su propia situación de gente pobre. Asimismo, concluyen que la reubicación forzada, la disrupción de los medios de vida tradicionales, así como las políticas gubernamentales y aquellas impulsadas por ong que promueven el desarrollo a través de programas de bienestar (es decir, dádivas) a costa del empoderamiento genuino de las personas, constituyen las razones por las cuales los jardines comunitarios tuvieron un éxito limitado.

Contextualizando projetos de desenvolvimento entre os San de Botsuana: desafios das hortas comunitárias

Os San de Botsuana são marginalizados e vivem na pobreza. Através de entrevistas semi-estruturadas e observação participativa em duas comunidades San, analisamos os desafios que as iniciativas de horta comunitária enfrentam e constatamos que o fracasso das hortas estão relacionados ao modo como os San são tratados, assim como a maneira como eles próprios vêem sua situação de carência. Concluímos que o reassentamento forçado e alterações históricas dos meios de subsistência, além de políticas do governo e de ONGs para promover o desenvolvimento através de políticas de bem-estar (ex.: doações) em detrimento do empoderamento genuíno das pessoas são responsáveis pelo sucesso limitado das hortas comunitárias.  相似文献   

935.
This paper uses findings from a survey of 19 government-funded international volunteer cooperation organisations (IVCOs) to discuss whether past and future patterns of government funding provide support for assertions of neoliberal adjustments. Findings indicate greater competition between providers, increased accountability for aid effectiveness, more private sector involvement, and an emphasis on domestic priorities with a focus on the skill-development of young volunteers. It provides examples of these changes and discusses the implications of changing patterns of government funding for international volunteering as an approach to development aid.

Effets des ajustements néolibéraux sur les organismes de coopération internationale bénévole financés par des gouvernements

Cet article se sert des résultats d'une enquête menée parmi 19 organismes de coopération internationale bénévole (OCIB) financés par des gouvernements pour discuter de la question de savoir si les schémas passés et futurs de financement gouvernemental viennent prouver les ajustements néolibéraux. Les résultats indiquent une concurrence accrue entre fournisseurs, une redevabilité accrue pour ce qui est de l'efficacité de l'aide, une participation plus importante du secteur privé, et un accent sur les priorités nationales, avec pour axe central le développement des compétences des jeunes bénévoles. Il donne des exemples de ces changements et traite des implications de l’évolution des schémas de financement gouvernemental pour le bénévolat international comme approche de l'aide au développement.

Efectos de los ajustes neoliberales en organizaciones internacionales de cooperación voluntaria financiadas por gobiernos

El presente artículo se apoya en una encuesta aplicada a 19 organizaciones internacionales de cooperación voluntaria (oicv) financiadas por gobiernos, realizada con el fin de polemizar respecto a si los actuales y los pasados patrones de financiamiento gubernamental sustentan las afirmaciones de [que se produjeron] ajustes neoliberales. Las conclusiones demuestran la existencia de mayor competencia entre proveedores, así como mayor rendición de cuentas en torno a la eficacia de la ayuda, más participación del sector privado y un énfasis en las prioridades nacionales, centrado en el desarrollo de habilidades en los jóvenes voluntarios. El artículo proporciona ejemplos de estos cambios y examina las implicaciones que los cambiantes patrones de financiamiento gubernamental tienen para el voluntariado internacional como enfoque para la ayuda de desarrollo.

Efeitos de ajustes neoliberais em Organizações Internacionais de Cooperação de Voluntários financiadas pelo governo

Este artigo utiliza resultados de uma pesquisa de 19 Organizações Internacionais de Cooperação de Voluntários (IVCOs) financiada pelo governo para discutir se padrões passados e futuros de financiamento governamental oferecem apoio para reivindicações de ajustes neoliberais. Os resultados indicam uma maior competição entre provedores, maior prestação de contas para a efetividade da ajuda, mais envolvimento do setor privado e ênfase nas prioridades domésticas com enfoque no desenvolvimento de habilidades de jovens voluntários. O artigo oferece exemplos destas mudanças e discute as implicações de padrões variáveis de financiamento governamental para o voluntariado internacional como abordagem para a ajuda ao desenvolvimento.  相似文献   

936.
广西与东盟国家山水相连,与东盟国家民间交往具有许多优势,广西人民在中国与东盟国家民间交流中的作用无可替代。本文在分析广西民间外交资源优势的基础上,提出了广西与东盟国家开展民间友好交流的7点建议。  相似文献   
937.
服务贸易是中国—东盟双边贸易的重要内容之一,未来也会成为双边贸易增长的重要力量。本文分析"钻石10年"间中国—东盟服务贸易发展的机遇和挑战,并提出中国—东盟发展服务贸易的对策和建议:以服务贸易带动投资合作与货物贸易;以陆上和海上丝绸之路作为互联互通的突破口;扩大金融合作和人民币区域化;创新服务贸易合作新方式等。  相似文献   
938.
In this article, we explain how the political opportunity structure characterized by official secularism and state regulation of religion has shaped the politicization of religiously oriented civil society in Turkey. The ban on religious political parties and strict state control over religious institutions create constraints for the expression of religious interests. However, due to changes in laws regulating the civil society sector and rule by a religiously sympathetic political party, religious groups use associations and foundations to express their interests. We observe that, in this strictly controlled opportunity structure, religiously oriented Muslims have framed their religious interests in the political realm parallel to those of the dominant political party, the Justice and Development Party (AKP). Through a study of non-governmental organizations we document the rhetoric religious groups use to frame their position on several key issues: religious freedom for the majority religious group, methods of resolving issues related to minority populations, and the Ottoman heritage of charitable service.  相似文献   
939.
Contributing to a growing literature on democracy beyond the nation-state, this article draws on aspects of national democratization theory in order to analyse empirical processes of democracy. By combining insights from transition theory and the theory of political opportunity structures, the article examines the case of the Asian Development Bank (ADB). While the ADB for a long time has been described as a closed, unresponsive and unaccountable international organization, a recent evaluation praised the Bank for its good practices concerning transparency, participation and accountability. The article uses the analytical framework to highlight the interaction between hard-liners and soft-liners within the ADB and explores the role of different transnational civil society actors in the processes that seem to have strengthened the democratic credentials of the ADB. While finding significant divisions within the ADB as well as amongst civil society actors targeting the bank, overall the article argues that transnational civil society actors, interacting with soft-liners within the ADB, have contributed to the implementation of reforms, which in turn create political opportunities for further civil society activism. The reform processes, however, are best described as processes of liberalization – rather than democratization.  相似文献   
940.
What forms do Islamist moderation take, and which factors underlie each form of moderation? Although a prevalent question in recent years, less is known about the causes and forms of Islamist moderation in a systematic fashion. By building on the findings of Communist moderation literature, we introduce a two-stage framework to explain variation in Islamist party moderation over time and across space: tactical vs. ideological moderation. Tactical moderation refers to the kind of moderation where radical parties make a decision on whether to accept electoral democracy as a means to achieve ideological goals without compromising their platforms. Structural factors such as political liberalization, international factors and state repression are causes of tactical moderation. Ideological moderation pertains to shifts in a platform from a radical niche to more moderate lines to respond to societal changes (economic liberalization, economic growth, electoral loss and changing voter preferences) to gain greater popular support. Empirically, we analyse the Italian Communist Party and the Party for Justice and Development in Morocco in a comparative perspective. In providing evidence through structured comparisons and field interviews, we hope to advance a more universal, generalizable theory of radical party moderation.  相似文献   
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