我国公共部门人力资源管理变迁的趋向分析

现代人力资源管理理论的引入,促进了我国传统的人事管理开始逐步向现代公共部门人力资源管理转变。在这一转换过程中,公共部门人力资源管理呈现出新的发展趋向:在管理理念上实现以事为主到以人为本的转变;在管理模式上,实现从“管”人到再造人的转换;在管理手段上,实现从资历管理到绩效管理的转变;在管理制度上,实现从档案管理到人事代理的转变。     

Death and injury caused by land mines in Burma

One hundred and eighty-eight Burmese refugees in Thailand were interviewed. One hundred and five of those interviewed had knowledge of a total of 313 persons who had been exposed to land mine explosions. Twenty-three of the interviewed were land mine survivors. They were all male, aged between eight and 68 years, and all except one had been injured between 1986 and 1997. Fifteen of the 23 were civilians, eight were guerilla soldiers who were injured either in battle or while deploying or disarming land mines. Those who had stepped on land mines were all crus or femur amputated and had several scars on the lower limbs, abdomen and some also on the forearms. Those who had handled a land mine had lost either fingers or hands and one also lost both eyes. This study shows that the frequency of land mine accidents in Burma has been underestimated and that the mortality is high. The study also supports the general impression that many victims are civilians.     

烧骨残片种属鉴定的研究

为了找出常见动物骨骼焚烧残片的种属鉴定方法,笔者对猪、羊,股骨及肱骨的断端,猪、羊、牛颅骨的残片(额顶部),焚烧后进行了观察及测量,并与人类股骨、肱骨及焚烧的颅骨残片进行了比较.结果发现,长骨滋养孔的位置,骨干骨壁厚度,以及颅骨厚度,颅缝形态及内板表面特征等方面,是鉴定骨骼残片种属的有价值的特征.根据对常见动物长骨及颅骨残片的现察及研究,提出了骨骼残片种属鉴定的方法.     

Breach of Confidence as a Privacy Remedy in the Human Rights Act Era

This article examines the impact of the Human Rights Act (HRA) on the current lack of a remedy for non-consensual publication of personal information by the media. It argues that the action for breach of confidence is now ripe for development into a privacy law in all but name and that the normative impetus for this enterprise can be found in the HRA which will require domestic courts to consider Convention jurisprudence. It will suggest that when Strasbourg decisions are examined in the context of more general Convention doctrines, they may be seen to suggest the need for an effective privacy remedy. Drawing upon approaches from other jurisdictions it seeks to demonstrate that principled solutions may be found to the thicket of legal problems associated with such development. It contends that the main objection to this enterprise, the perceived threat to media freedom, is largely misplaced, as analysis at the theoretical and doctrinal levels reveals that speech and privacy interests are in many respects mutually supportive and the areas of conflict small and readily susceptible to resolution.     

间接免疫酶组化法检测人指纹ABO血型

建立一套测定人指纹 ABO血型的方法体系。运用间接免疫酶技术和免疫印迹技术 ,对指纹胶纸提取的指纹、银粉显现提取的指纹、直接转移至硝酸纤维素膜 (NC膜 )上的指纹、银粉显现转移至 NC膜上的指纹、“5 0 2”胶熏显转移至 NC膜上的指纹等进行 ABO血型检测。上述 5种方法采集的 2 12枚指纹 ,绝大部分能正确地检出 ABO血型 ,检出率为 90 %～ 93.8% ;未能检出的样本为非分泌型人指纹。应用间接免疫酶技术及免疫印迹技术测定人指纹的 ABO血型的方法具有特异性强、准确可靠、检测方便等优点 ,在法庭科学中易推广应用 ,并能发挥重要的作用     

The necessity of the implementation of Privacy by Design in sectors where data protection concerns arise

This article examines the extent to which Privacy by Design can safeguard privacy and personal data within a rapidly evolving society. This paper will first briefly explain the theoretical concept and the general principles of Privacy by Design, as laid down in the General Data Protection Regulation. Then, by indicating specific examples of the implementation of the Privacy by Design approach, it will be demonstrated why the implementation of Privacy by Design is a necessity in a number of sectors where specific data protection concerns arise (biometrics, e-health and video-surveillance) and how it can be implemented.     

The psychological effects of state socialization: IGO membership loss and respect for human rights

We present an interdisciplinary theory that considers how loss of membership in international organizations affects states’ human rights practices. Drawing mostly from social psychology and international relations research, we argue that states are socialized into the international community through a process of social influence, whereby they are incentivized to comply with group norms by the promise (threat) of social rewards (punishments). Social influence occurs when states form social bonds through interactions with other states. When social bonds are severed, fewer opportunities for social influence occur due to lower information to both the remaining states and the state that lost those social bonds. Thus, we hypothesize that the loss of membership from IGOs reduces incentives to comply with group norms and adversely affects human rights practices at home. A combination of propensity score matching/regression and autoregressive distributed lag (ADL) models on a global cross-section across the years 1978–2012 supports the theory. Specifically, losing at least one IGO membership leads to a long-run drop in human rights respect of about one quarter to one half standard deviation.     

Targeting the Motivated? Ethnicity and the Pre‐emptive Use of Government Repression

Research on government repression often focuses on the comparison between states over time and provides little insight about the targets of repression within a state. This article unpacks government repression against different ethnic groups. It argues that non‐democratic governments use pre‐emptive and targeted repression against ethnic groups that are discriminated, strong, or have a history of protest or rebellion in order to prevent future ethnic rebellions. For democratic governments, on the other hand, the cost of pre‐emptive repression is too high. The article tests this argument in a quantitative analysis of government‐group dyads. It finds at least partial support for some implications of the argument: Autocratic governments use more repression than democracies against discriminated groups, but only when they are also weak, and against groups with a history of protest. There is little evidence that regimes of either type respond to previous violent mobilization or group strength with repression.     

Humanitarian Crises and the International Politics of Selectivity

How has the international community responded to humanitarian crises after the end of the Cold War? While optimistic ideational perspectives on global governance stress the importance of humanitarian norms and argue that humanitarian crises have been increasingly addressed, more skeptical realist accounts point to material interests and maintain that these responses have remained highly selective. In empirical terms, however, we know very little about the actual extent of selectivity since, so far, the international community’s reaction to humanitarian crises has not been systematically examined. This article addresses this gap by empirically examining the extent and the nature of the selectivity of humanitarian crises. To do so, the most severe humanitarian crises in the post-Cold War era are identified and examined for whether and how the international community responded. This study considers different modes of crisis response (ranging from inaction to military intervention) and different actors (including states, international institutions, and nonstate actors), yielding a more precise picture of the alleged “selectivity gap” and a number of theoretical implications for contemporary global security governance.     

Economic Sanctions and Political Repression: Assessing the Impact of Coercive Diplomacy on Political Freedoms

This article offers a thorough analysis of the unintended impact economic sanctions have on political repression—referred to in this study as the level of the government respect for democratic freedoms and human rights. We argue that economic coercion is a counterproductive policy tool that reduces the level of political freedoms in sanctioned countries. Instead of coercing the sanctioned regime into reforming itself, sanctions inadvertently enhance the regime’s coercive capacity and create incentives for the regime’s leadership to commit political repression. Cross-national time series data support our argument, confirming that the continued use of economic sanctions (even when aimed at promoting political liberalization and respect for human rights) will increase the level of political repression. These findings suggest that both scholars and policy makers should pay more attention to the externalities caused by economic coercion.